Editorial

May 30, 2021

The Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf intends to introduce electoral reforms in the country with the aim of “ensuring transparency in the electoral process and providing a level playing field for all”. 49 sections will either be added to the Elections Act 2017, deleted or amended. The changes are in several directions. Section 103 is being amended to introduce electronic voting machines (EVMs). The machines are proposed to be manufactured under the supervision of the Ministry of Science and Technology in collaboration with the COMSATS and the National Institute of Electronics. This has been described by several spokespersons for the government as the first big electoral reform in Pakistan. The Prime Minister’s Office has issued a statement to the effect that several successful tests have been conducted on these machines, skepticism remains. Given Pakistan’s low literacy rate and technological awareness, especially in remote and rural areas, it is highly doubtful that these machines will fulfill their purpose. Also Section 94 is to be amended to allow internet voting for oversees Pakistanis. While this will help a large number of oversees Pakistanis to vote in the elections, questions have been raised about the integrity internet voting as well as the desirability of giving oversees Pakistanis a stake in the electoral process.

Section 202 will bar the Election Commission of Pakistan from registering any political parties not having a minimum of 10,000 registered members. This will apparently make it harder to launch new parties and to sustain smaller parties. Section 213 (A) will require that political parties hold annual conversations to, among other things, seek grassroots feedback on their performance. A provision is proposed to be made in the Election Rules to allow candidates to challenge the appointment of polling staff. There is a proposal also make the preparation of electoral rolls and delimitation of constituencies reliant on NADRA data rather than census records and direct voter registration. Given the large number of citizens who do not appear on NADRA records this alone can disenfranchise a chunk of the already marginalized population. This also threatens to change the ethnic representation patterns based not on ground reality but NADRA record.

Editorial