This week, a photograph of a maimed and bloodied policeman made the rounds across screens and newsrooms in the country. After the NACTA and the Interior Ministry made their recommendations the Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan, whose workers were blamed for the violence, was added to the list of terrorist organisations after three days of country-wide rioting.

The Punjab Police, which bore the brunt of the TLP violence resulting in injuries to a large number of its personnel and several deaths, stands demoralised and humiliated. The question now is: who shall protect the citizens from politically motivated violence now that their usual protectors themselves appear to be in need of protection? As they went about this task in the line of duty, they faced violent resistance. At least

300 people, including innocent bystanders were injured.

As the federal government moved to ban the organisation, the Interior Minister promised a nation, mostly in the dark, that it will “try not to restrict social media in the future.” He said the TLP’s true intentions were “horrifying”. But April 18, police said they had removed TLP protest camps from all but one major roads. At Lahore’s Yateem Khana Chowk, however, TLP workers not only held their ground, they also kidnapped, tortured and held hostage a dozen policemen including a DSP. The police launched operations to retrieve the kidnapped officers but were unsuccessful in the face of brick-throwing baton-wielding men.

The response of the security forces was confusing. The top leadership of the police did not condemn the TLP actions. The policemen braving the TLP rioters were not adequately supported and the government started calling for reconciliation with the TLP leadership while the police action was afoot. A resolution has since been moved in the National Assembly by a PTI member mentioning the expulsion of the French ambassador but the government has not shared details of its talks and agreements with the TLP with the opposition parties.

The question now is: who shall protect the citizens from politically motivated violence now that their usual protectors themselves appear to be in need of protection?

Policy circles in Islamabad see a lack of consensus at the centre on a cohesive response to miscreants. The opposition has criticised what it sees as poor diplomacy and a pandering to the TLP but remains divided on the issue of the ban.

There is little talk, meanwhile, of the elephant in the room; the National Action Plan.

If the TLP ban is to stay - on account of the group’s longstanding and openly defiant eagerness to challenge the writ of the state, should the measure have been taken earlier? It is worth remembering that the party - a contender in the 2018 elections – polled some 2.2 million votes. Apparently, the attempted mainstreaming has failed the country.

Appeasement of violent challenge to the state does not count for dialogue, it is unconditional surrender. If the security apparatus of the country opens itself to exploitation by the whim of a now-banned extremist groups, the NACTA decision to red-line the party in the first place falls. In the interest of national security and the beleaguered policemen, the ill-equipped taskforces should raise alarm bells in Islamabad, lest, the nation continues to look to Rawalpindi for stability.

The writer is a national security and defence analyst