The arrest of Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) chief Saad Rizvi on April 12 left the provincial metropolis, Lahore, in dire straits. Coercive action by the state to crush popular protest is never a long-term or permanent solution.

Examples of serious violence resulting from coercive action against extreme protest include the Lal Masjid operation and the operation against Pakistan Awami Tehreek workers in 2014. On both occasions, the action resulted in a worsening of the law and order situation.

Journalist Amber Rahim Shamsi, who has covered numerous protests, says coercive action is always a last resort and often counterproductive. After all peaceful protest is a political right enshrined in the Constitution. Besides, law enforcement agencies, particularly the police, are ill-equipped and ill-trained in handling violence. As a result they frequently precipitate unnecessary violence or infringe on citizens’ freedoms.

Ahead of the Lal Masjid operation, there was much appeasement of the activists. The operation ended in a fiasco and some of the Lal Masjid activists are still free. A former senior police officer, who wishes to remain anonymous, explains how such operations are botched. “The most important factor is the credibility of the Executive and the law enforcement units. Selective application of laws dents the credibility of the police. Some groups of protesters are crushed swiftly while some are given undue space. This undermines the credibility of the police. The protestors thus start taking them non- seriously.” He adds, “Use of force against protesters pursuing a religious or ethnic agenda, can have serious consequences… A lot depends on the negotiation skills, sense of fairness, and sincerity of the political leadership involved. It must be kept in mind that humility and empathy are essential to engage the protestors.”

Effectiveness of coercive actions or the use of force also depend on the capacity of the police.

Effectiveness of use of force depends on the capacity of the police and other related agencies. Police training in public order maintenance is a seriously and chronically neglected area. Both police leadership and successive governments have so far failed to learn from failures in Model Town and Faizabad. Prosecution, especially of those responsible for loss of lives, including police officers, is essential.

Journalist Faisal Iqbal, a witness to the TLP protests, says the handling of recent TLP agitation by the Buzdar government, especially at Chowk Yateem Khana, reflected inexperience. “First they provoked the party by arresting its leader Saad Rizvi in a very crude manner and then responded clumsily to the violence”.

Ahsan Raza, a journalist and analyst, says the use of violence by government and non-government actors is increasing. Raza says in the ’80s, violence was a one-sided affair as political activists challenged the dictatorship. He says religious extremism has been used to coerce the governments. In 1989, he recalls, several component parties of the then Islami Jamhoori Ittehad, stormed embassies in Islamabad on the pretext of protesting against Salman Rushdie’s book. The police were forced to open fire, which resulted in several deaths. Several parties have since then been using violence to gain political space.

Journalist Abdullah Zafar who covered the TLP protest for a digital platform, says “the TLP damaged its cause by resorting to violence. However, the government’s inability to seize the initiative and stick to a course of action compounded the problem.”

The writer is a journalist based in Lahore. He reports on politics, economy and militancy and can be reached at shrnaqvi3@gmail.com. He tweets @hassannaqvi5