It is high time for stakeholders in public sector universities to devise a strategy to address complexities that are weaved into intra-university teachers’ politics
Historically, universities have been hotbeds of political change for a country, which had led way to the international upheavals. Apart from the global student political unions in universities, there are also the political bodies of teachers and their political associations around the world. In the same way, every public sector university in Pakistan has such an association. The aim is to promote research-related activities, to safeguard the rights of the university faculty and to protect one another from discrimination of any kind.
The main body representing the majority of the university teachers is represented by the Federation of All Pakistan Universities Academic Staff Association (FAPUASA), an organisation at the national level that supports, protects, and submits to the government the demands of university teachers on policy-making issues affecting them.
There are problems underlying at the meso-level of university politics and political processes. Ingrained fault lines that do not make it easy for teachers to emancipate processes through which they can choose their representatives, and how a group of contesting teachers can get into the position of power.
The precedents set by associations have far-reaching consequences at the national level, as they are the example-setters of a society. University teachers are the most respected and valuable assets of a country as they shape and drive a nation towards progression, and turn many into intellectual beings.
Unlike national elections that take place every fifth year in the country, university elections take place on an annual basis. Political parties participating in the national elections are registered entities, while the packets or groups of teachers contesting in university teachers’ associations do not come under any structure within the autonomous body. National political parties must be registered under the Pakistan Election Commission. They must undergo a rigorous registration process and function within the scope of the rules laid down in the Political Parties Order 2002 and the Political Parties Rules 2002.
Such rules do not only apply in Pakistan; there are similar agreements for political parties around the globe. The emphasis of such an approach is on stabilising the order with the formation of rules, norms and values in order to keep a check on instinctive behaviours.
These regimes cover a wide array of rules, from the formation of political parties to their dissolution. The formation phase is one of the most important for anyone interested in organising a party. They have to abide by the rules like having a distinctive identity, a constitution, membership fees and contributions, elections within the party, information entailing sources of funding, eligibility to obtain a symbol for election, and so on so forth.
In a university political process, however, like-minded groups of teachers coming up with the organisation of an entity do not feel liable or incentivized to get registered under any regime. Although they claim to have a distinctive identity, the branding with which they accolade their group does not need to be licensed to them by anyone. Today, for example, a group of teachers labeled United Front can tomorrow become Protectorate of Rights.
All political parties have certain aims and objectives for which they rally the support and influence voters. Those aims and objectives are enshrined in a constitution produced by them. In other words, it is the agenda of a political party with which they come about.
Instead of inspiring advocacy through a well-informed agenda or a constitution before the election, many groups rally their support on the basis of established personalities via different members and by serving their interests.
Another concern with the democratic process at universities is the lack of symbolism or insignia. At the time of the election, being in the polling booth and choosing the preferred candidate of the group while casting a vote gives birth to an atmosphere of bias.
While the sway the founding father of a political party or a group exercises cannot be repudiated, it is ultimately the constitution that drives the party. Ideally, when voting, one should consider the promise and appeal of a party represented by a distinctive symbol rather than the stamping of one’s vote for an individual. The groups should therefore have clear symbols.
Last but not the least, a general debate should be arranged between the main candidates of the contending groups. At the general meeting, a day or two before the election, every eligible voter, a faculty member, must be invited and given the right to question the candidates. The debate must be structured so that the candidates from various groups should provide a one-year road map of the initiatives in line with their constitutions.
Wherever there is free will there is dissent. So let’s say that a bunch of teachers who are not in awe of the leading body of university teachers, decide to roll up their sleeves and challenge the status quo. They should need nothing beyond convincing others to join them or vote for them.
It is high time for the stakeholders in public sector universities, including the FAPUASA, to sit together and to devise a strategy to address the university teachers’ politics and political processes.
The writer is a lecturer at the Department of International Relations, Shah Abdul Latif University, Khairpur