Though leftists supported All India Muslim League in the struggle for independence, they were completely sidelined by landlords in the League
Looking back at history, we can see that socialist and communist elements were active in the politics of the undivided Punjab. Historically these elements were largely overshadowed by Hindus and Sikhs in the province. There was, however, a tiny group that emerged within the All India Muslim League which was under the influence of socialist ideology.
In their speeches, these League workers often quoted verses of Allama Iqbal in which he supported peasants and downtrodden classes of society. Iqbal’s approach was that social democracy is compatible with original purity of Islam.
Apart from being influenced by the original communists, some League workers were also attracted to the Soviet Union’s experiments of Marxist economic planning: they wanted better system for the distribution of wealth. They rejected Marxian materialist dialectics because they were antithetical to Islam, but praised Soviet totalitarianism.
Ishtiaq Hussain Qureshi wrote in a Muslim League publication that the Soviet experience is very instructive about how to increase industrial and material power despite having a lack of capital.
World War II transformed the Indian political scene as far as politics of the Communist Party of India (CPI) were concerned. The CPI felt the Indian masses had largely been divided along communal lines. Initially, the CPI supported Congress in its struggle against the British colonial government. However, by the early 1940s the party changed its stance after realising that Muslim public opinion was, overarchingly, in favour of the League’s demand for Pakistan.
A new thesis was presented which elevated Jinnah’s position and brought him at par with Gandhi. According to this new line of thinking Jinnah was hailed as the saviour for the freedom-loving League masses, while the Congress and its supporters rallied behind Mahatma Gandhi. The CPI viewed the League as the patriotic organisation of the Muslim masses because Jinnah had transformed it into a party for the masses in the 1930s and 1940s.
The CPI adopted a tough stance against the Unionist Party of the Punjab. Much like the League, the CPI regarded the Unionist ministry as a hurdle to spreading progressive ideas amongst the public. The CPI wholeheartedly supported the struggle of the League to topple the Unionist ministry. Sajjad Zaheer once wrote that "the task of every individual should be to welcome this democratic growth which is taking place among the Muslims of the Punjab. The last strong colonial stronghold is invaded by the League. Let’s all help the people of Punjab to capture it."
It was at this time that a number of leftists jumped into the League’s bandwagon. They disbanded their political parties and groups. Mian Iftikharuddin, a famous socialist leader, left the Congress after he observed that Muslim political views were transforming in favour of Pakistan.
For most Punjabi leftist workers, economic planning, nationalisation of key industries, land reforms, and the equitable distribution of wealth were more relevant than other issues. In July 1945, the provincial communist leadership issued instructions to all district committees to hold joint Communist-League meetings to mount pressure on the Unionist Party workers.
The CPI leadership were of the view that supporting the League will help them broaden its own propaganda campaign. Accordingly, Danyal Latifi, Attaullah Jahania, Abdullah Malik, Chaudhari Rehmatullah Aslam (C. R. Aslam), Anis Hashmi, and Ghulam Nabi Bhullar campaigned for the Muslim League in the 1945-1946 election. They specially worked among peasants, labourers and rural masses to strengthen the League publicity campaign. With their efforts, a big Kissan Sabha conference was held on September 29-30, 1945 in Lahore. The League workers actively participated in the conference.
Lahore was the focal point of their political activities. Muslim League leaders accommodated the CPI leaders and gave them some important positions. C. R. Aslam was made the president of Lahore Muslim League. In all likelihood, the policy of the League was to use the CPI’s expertise in the election against Unionist candidates. The League leaders fully utilised the Communist Party’s services and gave a tough time to their rivals.
Danyal Latifi, a well-known communist, was also attached with the League electioneering campaign. Due to his abilities in drafting pamphlets, leaflets and propaganda materials, he was assigned the task of writing the election manifesto of the League in the Punjab. He wholeheartedly supported Mumtaz Daultana’s bid for becoming secretary of the Punjab Muslim League. Latifi was under the, incorrect, impression that their association with Muslim League would bring their socialist agenda into mainstream politics.
The CPI also hoped to influence Punjabi Muslim minds with Marxist ideology. In fact, some of Latifi’s clauses in the League manifesto included full opportunities of employment, nationalisation of industries, distribution of government land among landless peasants, and taxation on large landholdings.
Another well-known communist Ferozuddin Mansur wrote several pamphlets for the Muslim League. He also coined the slogan of Pakistan Paidaishi Haq Hai (Pakistan is a birth right). Attaullah Jahania efficiently mobilised the public which was very adroitly used by Mumtaz Daultana.
Although the leftist mass mobilisation campaign in the Punjab boosted the demand of Pakistan among the masses, it also seriously weakened their political standing. It jeopardised their objectives and made them vulnerable to attacks by the rightist elements. Most of the communists then realised their mistakes but it was too late. This realisation probably came because after Independence the communists were ignored and sidelined by landlords in the League.
Furthermore, within the League, they were not given enough room to spread their socialist agenda among the workers and masses. Most of the time, they were surrounded by loyal workers of the League who furthered their own agenda. They completely failed to organise themselves as a pressure group within the League or work independently among the public. They hesitantly pursued the strategy prepared by the landlords who were comparatively much stronger than the leftist elements.
The entry of leftists in the Punjab branch of the All India Muslim League did not change the overall strategy of the party. Many of the leftists got annoyed very soon and left the League, while some still favoured a united front. The dawn of independence was near and there was little space for manoeuvrings.
The communists and leftists’ views were eloquently presented by Eric Cyprian in a 1974 interview: "We were used by the Muslim League. We were their errand boys at their calls, and did all their dirty works. We could not hope to influence the Muslim League. We were too few and politically too weak. And helping the Muslim League secure a base among peasants and workers only helped a reactionary organisation strengthen its mass base. Furthermore, the Muslim League always held us in suspicion. During the elections, they did not give our boys any ticket. Attaullah Jahania was in tears over it."