Early October last year, Pakistan’s air force chief visited Washington and held high level meetings with US defence officials. He reiterated that Pakistan needs a strong air defence system in addition to traditional ground force to combat terrorists in the ongoing operations. The so-called sanctuaries that certain groups have been using as their hideouts are better seen, scanned and targeted through air presence in the area. He was pitching for a small number of F-16 fighter jets.

In his own words, "when you do campaigns together, when you have shared objectives, then you strategise together and you build each other’s capacities," he told the local media in an interview. "I think the [US] has been a great supporter and great help of the precision engagement that we have. The surveillance capabilities that we have had to make these operations go couldn’t have been possible without the [US] support."

Several weeks before this military meet-up Pakistan had hinted about its interest to purchase a new lot of fighting falcons. The original number was around 18. When the air chief mentioned the imperative need the do-able numbers became eight. The Pentagon, in return, lent a sympathetic ear and an official procedure to acquire the planes followed.

Exactly 10 years ago, Pakistan had asked for as many as 36 fighter jets. But since the country had to face shortage of funds due to natural disasters, like an earthquake and floods, it decided to reduce the numbers. It took years before the order could mature. That programme included 18 new jets, an upgrade of 35 older aircraft and those purchased from the US under the Excess Defence Articles (EDA). The procurement was worth 1.43 billion dollars -- entirely from Pakistan’s national funds.

The PAF has been flying F-16s since the early 1980s. While the fighting falcon is a compact, multi-role highly maneuverable aircraft and has proven itself in air-to-air combat as well as air-to-surface attacks, it also provides a relatively low-cost, high-performance weapon system.

Those 18 jets ordered were the advanced category Block 52 model, with all-weather and day-night precision targeting capability. These are well suited for combat operations, and have specific configurations, meaning these are hard to buy off the shelf.

The US government followed a standard operating procedure. It received the request, prepared the sale proposal and notified it to the Congress, which approved the sale. The contracting company then manufactured the aircraft. The last plane from that lot arrived in 2012, after which the administration said, "This transfer shows that despite setbacks in the bilateral relationship our mil-to-mil cooperation remains ongoing." Notice that the Abbottabad raid had already happened. The angry Congress had the power to stop the sale, but it did not.

A similar procedure was adopted this time too, except this time the US government was sharing the cost of the planes as well. Congress has appropriated about $3.6 billion in Foreign Military Financing (FMF) for Pakistan since 2001, more than two-thirds of which has been disbursed. These funds are used to purchase US military equipment for the longer-term modernisation efforts.

So, by February this year, the Obama administration announced its intent to sell F-16s to Pakistan. Despite a lot of ruckus from some top Congressional members, a formal notification was issued in March saying, "This proposed (F-16) sale contributes to US foreign policy objectives and national security goals by helping to improve the security of a strategic partner in South Asia."

The total cost of these F-16 Block 52 was estimated to be nearly $700 million. The notification added that the government of Pakistan had requested this sale. "This sale will increase the number of aircraft available to the Pakistan Air Force to sustain operations, meet monthly training requirements, and support transition training for pilots new to the Block-52. Pakistan will have no difficulty absorbing these additional aircraft into its air force," the notification from the administration pointed out.

But critics in the Congress did not budge. Senator Bob Corker, Chairman Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, wrote a letter to Secretary of State John Kerry saying, "I fully understand that our relationship with Pakistan is both complicated and imperfect. Cooperation with Pakistan is important and has achieved some of our interests. Nonetheless, I also believe that many Pakistani activities are immensely problematic and continue to point to a duplicitous partner, moving sideways rather than forward in resolving regional challenges."

The letter ended with a major concern: "While it is my intention at this time to clear the sale of eight F-16 aircraft to Pakistan, I do not plan to support the expenditure of the very limited Foreign Military Financing (FMF) account to finance this deal, now or near future. I may reconsider my blanket hold on US FMF assistance should the Pakistanis make progress on addressing my significant concerns about their support for the Haqqani network, but for now if they wish to purchase this military equipment, they will do so without a subsidy from the American taxpayer."

A corresponding resolution was also adopted to block the sale. Secretary Kerry defended the proposed sale tooth and nail. He told Congress that "The F-16s have been a critical part of the Pakistani fight against the terrorists in the western part of that country, and have been effective in that fight." He did, however, acknowledge "We think that more could be done. We’re particularly concerned about the sanctuary components of Pakistan, and we’re particularly concerned about some individual entities in Pakistan that have been supportive of relationships with some of the people that we consider extremely dangerous to our interests in Afghanistan elsewhere; [the] Haqqani Network, [is a] prime example of that."

While the motion to prevent the sale failed, powerful members of Congress refused to subsidise the sale and kept a hold on the financing, suggesting that Pakistan has to purchase these planes but on its own dime. It was then nearly the end of March when the F-16 deal was grounded for good. All Pakistan had -- or still has -- in its pocket were some $250 million and many broken promises.

The US slid down from "do more" to "do something." The continuous demand to take forceful action against groups like the Haqqani network did not change the reality on the ground. The backlash came in the form of a catastrophic failure in the F-16 deal that Pakistan’s military and civilian leadership refuses to accept.

On the other hand, the jet’s prowess and monetary value led India to complain that the fighter planes might be used against its territory. India had expressed similar concerns before when the last sale was approved.

While the jet’s symbolic value led Pakistan to question its bilateral relation with America, Advisor to the Prime Minister on Foreign Affairs, Sartaj Aziz, boasted that if the issue was not resolved Pakistan could buy the planes from another country. The claim was emotional and exaggerated since the US jets have unmatched specifications, while Chinese or Russian aircraft come with extra costly logistical, maintenance, and training requirements.

It is pertinent to mention that the FMF programme offers other technical equipment as well that Pakistan will be utilising. The bar was just for the F-16s. Meanwhile, the jets manufacturer, Lockheed Martin, had been planning to relocate its production line, which made Pakistani leadership think that the company would manufacture the machines under pressure anyhow before shutting off.

Instead of addressing the concerns of a powerful ally and defending its own position, Pakistan preferred stubbornness and silence. It lost the last opportunity to maneuver the fighter jets deal this week, when it deliberately let the offer deadline expire.