The China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is being hailed as a harbinger of prosperity and development for the country. Undeniably, the scheme is potent enough to become the game changer in the region. Delving deeper in the convoluted corridor project, one would conclude that it is not confined to a national or bilateral development agenda. In fact it has tentacles spread over the whole region and beyond. Such projects of diverse objectives merit diligent handling.

China as an emerging regional power has its geostrategic, political and security interests in the region and Pakistan is a pivotal check post in that context. The projects involving bilateral and multilateral interests demand assiduous treatment to secure own interests without jeopardising legitimate interests of other partners.

Pakistan has a track record of serving interests of other players at the cost of its own. If the history is repeated, the CPEC can become another liability. This is an opportunity that could be seized to not only build state of the art infrastructure and take economic strides but also compensate the overdue development deficit of long ignored areas of the country. So far the federal government has missed no chance to make it a Punjab-centric development project.

The prime minister is often flanked by the Punjab chief minister while visiting China or signing MoUs. Similarly, the chief minister of Punjab and other Punjab-based leaders of the ruling party visit China more frequently than their own constituencies. Seldom is a leader from other provinces seen engaged on the CPEC.

Selection of the alignment of the corridor had also been a thorny issue. Heavily drawn from Punjab, the establishment of Islamabad prefers the alignment that mainly suited Punjab, but the government had to succumb to the pressure of Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. While the government agreed to prefer western corridor that traverses through mostly barren strip of west Balochistan before entering populated territory of Balochistan and KP; Punjab was astute enough to include its priority projects through federal development programme and bilateral MoUs with China.

While prioritisation of development projects normally follow technical, financial and environmental feasibility, but in a federation like Pakistan mired in deep-rooted conflicts, political feasibility is an unavoidable prerequisite. This explains the reason for favouring western corridor over the operationally more feasible other two alignments.

While the chosen alignment will amply assuage the concerns of Balochistan and KP, and Punjab has secured its share through federal development programme, Sindh’s share has fallen through the cracks. Allocations under the current federal development programme indicate political insensitivity of the Sharif government. Out of Rs149.5 billion earmarked for the CPEC projects, more than half i.e. Rs80.7 billion has been allocated for projects in Punjab trailing behind KP with Rs39.8 billion. Balochistan would receive Rs18.1 billion whereas Sindh will get a paltry share of Rs6.5 billion.

This sheer imbalance in the allocation of federal resources is bound to further disgruntle the embittered people of Sindh. Since the CPEC package is replete with communication and energy projects, revival of Keti Bunder Port project could be a very pertinent addition to the scheme. The project was conceived in 1990s and after seeking nod from all the concerned decision-makers it was inaugurated by the then prime minister Benazir Bhutto on January 30, 1996. Had it not been obliterated, the Keti Bunder Complex would already have changed the game in this region.

The project fetched an investment of Rs200 billion two decades ago. Apart from a deep port, it also envisaged a coal-based powerhouse of 5280 megawatt capacity. A Hong Kong-based company, Consolidated Electric Power Asia Limited, agreed to construct the powerhouse. Initially running on imported coal, the powerhouse was supposed to utilise Thar coal subsequently. A railway line connecting Keti Bunder with Islam Kot via Badin was part of the project. The complex plan also included the establishment of a heavy industry and special industrial zone.

After the PPP government was ambushed by its own president Farooq Leghari, the ensuing Nawaz-League government wantonly scrapped the project without any plausible justification. Sindhis took this decision as an affront and considered it as an act of political vengeance that deprived Sindh and Pakistan of a strategically high valued project. This is a stigma on the PML-N and Sindhis still hold it responsible for snatching this development opportunity from Sindh.

By reviving this project through the incipient CPEC, the ruling party can also pacify the people of Sindh and wash two decades old blot. During the Musharraf’s era, the then prime minister Shaukat Aziz also hinted to rekindle the Keti Bunder project in March 2007. The government of Sindh also reinvigorated the project in June 2009 in National Economic Council and sought an allocation of Rs10 million to commission studies for the revival of the port project but all in vain. The project remained frozen mainly because the establishment in Islamabad innately despises development projects in smaller provinces.

Apart from its political significance, the project has its own technical and commercial viability. Pakistan, a country of nearly 200 million people, has only two major ports and the third one is only partly operational. Much smaller countries have more ports. Even in neighbouring India, there are 12 major and 185 small ports. Thailand has 20 ports. Even Bangladesh and Sri Lanka have four ports each.

With its current population growth rate, Pakistan needs at least 7 per cent GDP growth to meet the needs of an increasingly young population. This cannot be achieved without modern ports linked through a robust communication network. Approximately 1100 kms long coastline and vast landmass of the country is grossly underutilised.

Keti Bunder has all reasons to be developed as a modern port. It can be connected with national railway network at Jhimpir in Thatta district, which is hardly 140 kms away. The main international market of Karachi is only at a distance of 170 kms and the national highway is only 86 kms away. Two major ports of Pakistan viz. Karachi Port and the Port Qasim currently handle 90 per cent of the national cargo. Both ports are operating at their maximum capacity and their further expansion is constrained by various factors.

Aspired economic growth of the country demands more port facilities to augment its international trade. According to some estimates, the Keti Bunder Port has the potential to facilitate much bigger vessels compared to the existing capacity of the two ports. Located in the proximity of Karachi and accessible to railway and highway network, the port would save almost 24 hours to mainstream the offloaded cargo compared to Gwadar which is more than 600 kms away from Karachi.

Keti Bunder Port can easily be connected with Lahore-Karachi Motorway (LKM). In fact the LKM under the CPEC can easily be branched off at Nooriabad to Keti Bunder which is only 170 kms from the junction. Alternatively a new highway along the eastern border of Sindh can be constructed to connect Keti Bunder with Sukkur and onwards to up country. The new highway will pass through Sujawal, Badin, Mirpur Khas, Sanghar and Khairpur. The new road would also act as an alternative to the existing national highway and the new motorway in case of floods or any other disturbance. It will also help develop a new development corridor in Sindh.

Keti Bunder Port will also ease off the existing ports and the resultant load on Karachi’s shabby infrastructure which is now bursting at the seams. Karachi’s volatility is also a critical factor that continues to pose a challenge for smooth port operations. Considering the political vulnerability of Karachi it would be pertinent to have a secure alternative at the time of turmoil. This vulnerability of Karachi often makes the government amenable to militant groups.

Similarly, Gwadar port is also located in a politically challenged terrain. In fact the Gwadar port had been at the heart of ongoing conflict in Balochistan. The new safely located port will provide relief to the government while handling political challenges that also dithers investors. The new port can be developed bespoke to the requirements of the contemporary business world.

Expanding the CPEC to Keti Bunder will also benefit China. Currently 70 per cent of China’s electricity is generated through coal. That makes China the world’s largest coal consumer. Exponential economic growth has exhausted its local production and now China is importing coal from various countries. Although environmental regulations have subdued the volume of coal imports, it is still the largest coal importing country.

Thar coal can be a bewitching commodity for China and other countries in the region. Keti Bunder would be the nearest port to Thar coal that can be shipped to China and other countries at comparatively lower cost. Apart from the CPEC, a highly feasible economic project like Keti Bunder can easily entice international investors. Sadly, the PPP did not make any serious effort to resuscitate the project when it enjoyed plenipotentiary powers. The CPEC can be embellished with this high value project that will give an unprecedented boost to national economy.