Pakistani madrassas feature prominently in the debate on extremism -- they are perceived as a crucial medium for promoting extreme religious, sectarian, social and political views. They are no longer producing the next generation of religious scholars, but dominating the education system as a whole.

However, many analysts view that not all madrassas have direct links with terrorism.

The role of madrassas in shaping radical views among the masses, and specifically among their students, is a serious concern for many analysts and policymakers. For them, of particular concern is their affiliation with political, sectarian and militant organisations which may drive their administrations and students toward an increased political role.

It would be interesting to look at the sectarian, political and social attitudes of madrassa teachers, who are instrumental in shaping the students’ viewpoints, and to explore if they share the same attitude as others.

Madrassas deem themselves to be protectors of Islam, or at least their own brand of Islam and disagree that they are encouraging extremism. A study conducted by Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS), an Islamabad-based independent think-tank revealed that madrassas’ political attitudes are aligned with the mainstream political behaviour. Interestingly, more than 79 per cent of madrassa teachers interviewed for the study disagreed that their institutions are a source of extremism. Rather, they drew a clear distinction between militant seminaries and ‘normal’ madrassas.

Only eight per cent of the respondents believe that some madrassas play a role in promoting extremism. Even those madrassas that identified extremism as a real problem refused to acknowledge that madrassas play a role in promoting it. On the contrary, they accused the US, Israel and other western countries of promoting terrorism and extremist ideologies.

Shia madrassas see terrorism at two levels, intra-sect militancy and global terrorism.

Undoubtedly, the madrassa sector is a part of religious discourse of the country; it absorbs and reflects different tendencies of this discourse.

Public opinion in Pakistan is greatly influenced by the prevalent religious discourse that is characterised by a number of political and non-political religious and sectarian organisations, madrassas and religiously-motivated violent radical groups. The clergy that lead much of this discourse in Pakistan exercises considerable sway over the masses. In most cases, the public view resonates with those held by religious scholars and clergy, not only in the religious and sectarian domains but also in the political, socio-cultural and economic, both in the national and international perspectives.

This larger religious discourse also provides a lot of space to the extremists and militants -- by either supporting them or being silent to the point of acquiescence. People, who mostly follow the narratives offered to them by the state and clergy, remain confused or silent about issues of religious extremism and militancy.

Religious scholars and clergy can play a significant role in transforming people’s confused views on extremism and militancy into outright rejection of the extremists and militants.

During the last two decades, the expansion and influence of religious discourse has created a sense of insecurity among different sects in Pakistan. The insecurity is not only related to protection of their right but also their role in the power structures of the country. To achieve this purpose, they try to influence the public opinion. The easiest way for them is to provoke sectarian differences, which also help them to expand their support bases.

In this perspective, the hate discourse in Pakistan has become increasingly sectarian, which is affecting not only madrassas but other segment of society.

There is a need to look at the deeply fragmented education system in Pakistan, with each section catering to the educational needs of a particular class. The interaction among those educated from different education systems is lacking, resulting in alienation, polarisation and adoption of extreme views about each other. Even madrassa students of different religious schools of thought have limited interaction.

Policymakers need to evolve a comprehensive approach to defuse hate tendencies. They have to focus on the madrassa curriculum.

The contemporary curriculum of various religious edssucation (madrassa) boards teaches only a particular viewpoint to their students. The government, in consultation with representatives of madrassa boards, may attempt to provide better interaction between students of madrassas and different religious schools of thought.