he political fabric of Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf is splitting at the seams. While the phenomenon isn’t new to the party, the latest series of in-fighting episodes have come at a juncture that required exceptional political fortitude by the leadership and paint a sorry picture, especially in its Khyber Pakhtunkhwa stronghold.

A split is apparent from recent statements made by PTI leaders against one another. So much so, that the issue was debated in the PTI’s National Assembly parliamentary group’s meeting in Islamabad.

A couple of weeks ago, speaking to the media after meeting with Imran Khan in Adiala Jail, senior PTI leader Azam Khan Swati said that Khan had instructed that Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly Speaker Babar Saleem Swati must resign if the party’s accountability committee investigating corruption allegations against him decided so. He also claimed that Khan had directed that the appointments made by PTI Khyber Pakhtunkhwa president Junaid Akbar be reversed.

Babar Swati reacted strongly to Azam’s claims and called them lies. He said that he would clarify his position in an upcoming meeting with Imran Khan. “I have already responded to the corruption allegations before the party’s accountability committee,” he said.

Chief Minister Ali Amin Gandapur’s statement added fuel to the fire. In a recent interview, he said that Khan had instructed him not to award tickets to three party leaders for the Provincial Assembly election because they were ‘conspirators’ and would create trouble for his provincial government. He identified the said individuals as former provincial minister and PTI MNA Muhammad Atif Khan, former National Assembly speaker Asad Qaiser and former minister Shahram Khan Tarakai.

Atif Khan took up the issue in the meeting of the PTI’s parliamentary party and sought clarification from PTI chairman Gohar Ali Khan, who said that Khan had never used the word ‘conspirators’ to describe them. Zartaj Gul Wazir, too, tried to pacify Atif and others by saying that the three individuals being named were senior leaders and that the party needed them in the National Assembly.

In the Punjab, party’s provincial president, Hammad Azhar, resigned saying that he was being accused of creating hurdles for other leaders.

According to PTI insiders, Hammad Azhar had fallen foul of Bushra Bibi, who first installed PTI’s Lahore leaders without consulting him. Later, Aliya Hamza emerged as a challenge to Azhar. She complained to Khan and Bushra Bibi that Azhar was not letting her work freely. “Bushra Bibi is practically calling the shots. She is influencing Khan’s decision,” said a party leader from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

The PTI has suffered from chronic infighting since its inception. Several of its founding members left Khan after developing differences over various policies. Miraj Muhammad Khan, one of the finest politicians Pakistan has ever produced, had joined the PTI as its secretary general. This had surprised many who knew Miraj Khan. It was said that he could not digest the authoritative attitude of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto although he had declared him his political successor. When Miraj Khan was asked about the reason behind joining the PTI, he had said, “Imran Khan is a new comer in politics. He needs support and advice.” After a few months, he resigned from the party. When asked about the reason, he simply said, “Imran Khan is a stubborn person. He does not want to learn anything.”

Likewise, Makhdoom Javed Hashmi, Justice Wajih-ud Din and several other individuals of high stature left the party for similar reasons.

There are those who claim that the PTI has several ‘manufacturing faults.’ The biggest, and the most apparent, is the lack of a consistent ideology. The PTI was seen as a mix of centre-right, populist and reformist agendas. It used anti-US sentiments during its campaign in 2013 when it formed its first provincial government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. At the same time, Khan got massive support from the Pakistani diaspora in the US. Through his dynamic personality and charged slogans, he managed to attract a diverse support base from urban middle classes to religious conservatives, which led to unclear and inconsistent party policies. For example, he raised anti-US slogans during his campaigns, and attributed his 2022 ouster from office through a historic no-confidence motion as a conspiracy hatched by the US. Recently, however, his party has high hopes from President Trump; Khan’s friends like Zulfi Bukhari are trying to influence the US Congress through lobbying firms.

When the PTI initially rose to prominence back in 2011, with the support of the establishment, several leaders and electables from various leftist parties like the PPP and the ANP; centre to right parties like the PML-N; and religious parties, including Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam, flocked to it. This also led to differences and infighting. In 2011, the party faced significant internal fissures with various factions like the Jahangir Tareen group, Shah Mehmood Qureshi group and Pervez Khattak group emerging. The party also suffered ethnic divisions as leaders labelled their factions as ‘Punjabi’ and ‘Pakhtun.’

Another major cause for the infighting is the way Khan runs the party. He does not always consult with the general council or the core committee of the party. Instead, he often discusses important issues with his inexperienced friends and announces his decision through them. The party has always practised limited internal democracy which fuels frustration among senior leaders.

These faultlines in the party have led to confrontations between its moderate leaders, who believe in flexible and pragmatic politics; and the hardliners, who don’t support soft posture against opponents. Unless restructured to address organisational and policy issues, the party, no matter how popular, is bound to crumble under the weight of its own challenges.

The author is a senior journalist, teacher of journalism, writer and analyst. His X handle: @BukhariMubasher