n a democratic system, sovereignty belongs to the people. It is exercised by the elected representatives of the people. In the parliamentary system, the Legislative branch enjoys the powers of policy formulation, policy oversight and supervision of the Executive branch of the state. The Legislature’s supremacy is ensured through the agency of the cabinet. Members of legislature are assigned the responsibility of policy advice, policy formulation and its execution as political heads of government departments. The ministers operate as political bosses of the Executive organ of the state. They are answerable and accountable to the Legislature.

The cabinets in parliamentary form of the government operate under the leadership of the prime minister. The prime minister is assisted and aided by cabinet ministers in the formulation of policy and execution of state authority through the process of collective decision making and the notion of collective responsibility. The cabinet provides the highest debating forum for policy discussion and debates for the dispensation of the executive authority of the democratic state. State policy formulation is guided, controlled or manipulated by ministers. These are executed and implemented through the bureaucratic organ of the state. In a democratic polity, the policy formulation should be people centric; the cabinet as people’s representative should ensure public interest.

After the 2024 general elections, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz formed the government at the Centre under the leadership of Shahbaz Sharif. A smart, professional and technocratic cabinet of 21 members held office during the crucial year. The government claims that it has successfully averted a financial crisis and Pakistan’s economy has been put on track again. After the completion of its first year, it massively propagated its perceived successes and achievements through a dedicated effort of the cabinet. Simultaneously, the regime expanded the cabinet. The cabinet size has doubled with the induction of twelve new federal ministers, nine state ministers and four advisors to the prime minister. The massive expansion accompanied the inclusion of eight special assistants to the prime minister and a few coordinators as well. The expansion accommodated some political heavy weights and constituency leaders, a majority of whom belong to the PML-N. A few are from other coalition partners.

A cabinet expansion was long overdue after the refusal of the Pakistan Peoples Party to join the federal cabinet. The expansion has provided another opportunity to critique the political leadership. The move is being perceived as another opportunity to exercise power at the expense of precarious state resources. There is a perception is that the induction of new ministers means massive allocations of funds under the head of salaries and perks and privileges. People tend to ignore the fact that the ministries and departments already exist and have elaborate organisational network. Some of these departments are managed by the prime minister or some other minister through additional charge. An argument in favour of the expansion is that the appointment of new ministers could improve governance and financial management and has the potential to introduce new initiatives. However, public reaction largely remains negative due to the prevailing perception regarding the political elite.

The recent expansion also stirred criticism because of its timing. The regime is pursuing policies of downsizing and right sizing to cut expenditures at a time of financial crunch. The IMF bailout packages also require some administrative and financial reforms for fiscal discipline. Citizens are bearing the brunt of high rates of taxation and soaring energy cost. The expansion in cabinet does not offer good optics considering the financial burden. On one hand, the government claims that it has done wonders and managed to avert the bankruptcy of economy through a smart cabinet during its first year; on the other hand, it expands the cabinet to include new members.

The expanded cabinet also lacks balanced representation from federating units. Out of thirty federal ministers, twenty four belong to the Punjab, so that there are two ministers each from the other three provinces. Punjab’s dominance is further consolidated at the level of state ministers, with eight out of nine belonging to the province. Apparently, this is because the ruling party commands most support in the Punjab. The expanded cabinet also lacks adequate gender and minority representation. There are only two women among its forty-three members and only one minority member. Shiza Fatima Khawaja and Wajiha Qamar find places as women members of the cabinet and Kesoo Mal Kheal Das representing the minorities alone.

The 18th Amendment increased the powers and authority of the legislative organ. It consolidated and increased the share of the lower house in federal cabinet as the house of people. The principle of people’s representatives being the political bosses to guard and promote the public interest in the state’s Executive decision-making was facilitated. The ministers also serve as a link between the Legislative and the Executive branches and ensured the Legislative supremacy by providing leadership to administrative institutions.

In Pakistan, cabinet positions are offered to exercise power for politics is the pursuit of power in the country. Ministerial positions are lucrative positions for power-centric political elite. The positions are distributed among the heavy weights, political influentials and representatives of special interest groups. The current cabinet also reflects the hybrid nature of the political system. Some influential people have entered the power corridors under the patronage of the powerful establishment. Some of the key figures who played a role in the derailment of Imran Khan’s regime and in the disintegration of the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf too have been rewarded cabinet positions.

A dominating feature of this cabinet is its Lahore connection. An overwhelming majority belongs to Lahore. This included the prime minister. Rural Sindh has failed to find representation except through a minority member. Two members from Balochistan’s powerful political elite Jam and Magsi tribes are in the power corridors once again. Not a single representative of nationalist political parties has landed a spot. Religious political parties have also received no representation. A majority of these parties have opted for the opposition benches.

The recent inductions are seen as Shahbaz Sharif’s team rather than that of Nawaz Sharif’s. The party supremo appears sidelined from the federal power structure. The hybrid arrangement has further deepened its roots through the recent inductions in the federal cabinet of handpicked political leaders under the patronage of powerful institutions.

The writer is an assistant professor in the Department of Pakistan Studies at the Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad. He has a PhD from Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. His area of expertise is the electoral politics of Pakistan. He can be reached at sajidkhanhistorian@gmail.com and on X: @sajidkhanqau