Where do mainstream political parties stand in the ongoing debate over PECA?
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he Prevention of Electronic Crimes (Amendment) Act, 2025, has been at the receiving end of a variety of responses and reactions by the country’s political parties. One thing, however, is clear: every political party, in or sharing power now or in the opposition, will at some point or the other become a victim of the recently enacted Act. Despite diverse reactions to the PECA, there is a unanimous consensus among political parties about countering fake news, disinformation and misinformation. How those objectives align with the law is anybody’s opinion. Some argue that the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf must be thankful to the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz now that it has adopted the former’s PECA Amendment Bill, 2022, with a few changes.
The PML-N, the composer of the PECA controversy, designed and enacted the Act in 2016, during Nawaz Sharif’s tenure as prime minister. The law was introduced as a measure to combat cybercrimes and ensure digital security in Pakistan but faced criticism for its vague definitions and broad powers granted to authorities. Many feared that this could lead to misuse of power, encouraging suppression of dissent and containing freedom of speech. Rights groups criticised PECA 2016 for its potential misuse, vague wording, granting of more powers to the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority and the insufficient protections for rights to free expression and privacy.
Now, in 2025, another PML-N government, this time under Shahbaz Sharif, has introduced amendments to the PECA. Once again, it has attracted criticism on similar grounds. The PECA 2025 is being criticised for the criminalisation of fake news; penalties of up to three years in prison and fines of up to Rs 2 million for disseminating information deemed “false” and “fake;” the establishment of the Digital Rights Protection Authority; and the lack of consultation with media organisations and trade unions.
PML-N leaders are trying hard to pacify critics. Attaullah Tarar, the federal minister for information and culture, has said that the Act is designed to regulate digital media and will not affect print and broadcast journalists. He has said the digital media was encroaching on the space of print and electronic media in the absence of a mechanism to regulate the digital media. He has pointed out that while bodies like the Council of Complaints of the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority exist for traditional media, there was no such framework for digital platforms.
The Pakistan Peoples Party, an ally of the ruling PML-N, has adopted a slightly different stance. It acknowledges the need to prevent cybercrimes but also speaks for fundamental rights and freedom of expression. PPP chairman Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari has called for a balanced approach that safeguards freedom of expression while combating misinformation and fake news. However, some critics have questioned whether his freedom of expression rhetoric is enough.
Raza Rabbani, a PPP stalwart, has rejected the bill saying that it will confiscate several basic rights. Rabbani has also criticised the haste in passing the bill without consulting other stakeholders, including journalists’ bodies. He has said that such rushed legislation undermines the parliamentary process and could lead to the enactment of controversial laws.
Interestingly, the PPP had expressed reservations against PECA back in 2016 as well. Be that as it may, the PPP voted in favour of the Act, both in 2016, and now, in 2025.
The Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf has said in strong terms that the amendments have been added to the PECA to target its social media team and activists and to contain the party’s popularity. Shibli Faraz, the opposition leader in the Senate, has criticised the amendment, saying that while laws should be designed to protect citizens, the PECA amendment appeared to specifically target the PTI. He said that legislation should not be done hastily and should serve to safeguard the public rather than oppressing them.
But the PTI, too, had tried to amend the PECA along similar lines in 2022, sparking a controversy. A review of the PTI’s 2022 draft will reveal that PECA, 2025, is a slightly advanced version of the amendments proposed by the PTI. One of the most controversial amendments introduced by the PTI in 2022 was the criminalisation of the spread of “fake news” online. The amendments proposed penalties for individuals found guilty of spreading false information, which critics argued was vague and open to abuse. The proposed amendments recommended penalties of up to three years in prison and fines for those spreading fake news.
The PTI-initiated amendments also granted more powers to the state to control content online, including the ability to take down websites, block social media content and act against individuals or groups spreading ‘false information.’ The amendments were also aimed at tightening the regulation of digital media. Authorities were empowered to act against social media platforms or websites deemed to be violating the law.
How strange for the PTI then to now allege that the Act is meant to ‘target’ it? If one were to go by that logic, it would appear that the amendments proposed in 2022 were aimed at targeting its political rival, the PML-N.
A hard-hitting criticism of the amendments has come from Awami National Party’s chief Aimal Wali Khan. “I don’t even know if I can be labeled a criminal for my speech in the House.” He described the amendment as a “draconian law” that imposes restrictions on freedom of speech. The ANP walked out of the parliament in protest over the amendment.
Is there a lesson for political forces in the PECA episode? If controversial laws are made to oppress people, it is only a matter of time before those who make such a law fall victim to it.
The author is a senior journalist, teacher of journalism, writer and analyst. His X handle: @BukhariMubasher