he year 2024 was marked by elections, controversial legislation, massive protests and attempts at reaching a negotiated political settlement.

General elections were held on February 8, 2024, amidst several controversies. The results remain disputed, with the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (crafting a narrative to keep the government under pressure. According to official results, PTI-backed independent candidates won 93 seats, making them the largest group in the National Assembly. Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz secured 79 seats, standing second; and the Pakistan Peoples Party won 54 seats, finishing third. However, the PTI refused to form a coalition with either the PML-N or the PPP. Consequently, the PML-N formed a coalition government with support from the PPP, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Pakistan and Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid.

The PTI accused the Election Commission of Pakistan, the establishment and former chief justice, Qazi Faez Isa, of orchestrating rigging. Its chairman, Gohar Ali Khan, alleged that, based on Form 45s (certified polling station vote counts), his party had won 180 National Assembly seats. He said Form 47s (consolidated constituency results) were tampered with to change the results. The PTI also claimed that some seats it had won in the Punjab and Sindh Provincial Assemblies were ‘handed’ to the PML-N, the PPP and the MQM.

The rival parties pointed out that the PTI had secured 90 percent of the seats in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa both in the National Assembly and the Provincial Assembly. If the elections were rigged against the PTI, they said, results from the KP would be different. They also pointed out that Nawaz Sharif and Bilawal Bhutto Zardari had suffered defeats.

Before the elections, the Peshawar High Court had barred the PTI from contesting the election using a party symbol. The restriction was imposed due to the party’s failure to hold intra-party elections in a timely and transparent manner. The Supreme Court had later upheld this verdict. Meanwhile, Qazi Faez Isa, the CJP, took a firm stance to thwart attempts by certain political forces and other elements to delay the polls.

Nawaz Sharif, his party’s first choice, too, declined the premiership, nominating his brother Shahbaz Sharif instead. His daughter Maryam Nawaz became the first female chief minister to hold the office in Pakistan. Notably, several PML-N stalwarts, including Rana Sanaullah, Khwaja Saad Rafiq and Javed Latif, lost their constituencies.

It was with this fragmented mandate that the PML-N formed governments in Islamabad and Lahore. The PPP took charge in Sindh and Balochistan. The PTI retained its hold on the KP. Ali Amin Gandapur became the new chief minister.

Allegations of massive rigging continue to echo in the parliament and elsewhere. The PTI has persisted in demanding that the ECP ‘restore’ the results to give it its rightful majority in the National Assembly and its full representation in the Provincial Assemblies of the Punjab and Sindh. Most of its petitions before the election tribunals have been pending. The party’s efforts to pressure the government, courts and the establishment to secure the release of its jailed founder, Imran Khan, have failed.

There were indications meanwhile, that the PML-N, the PPP and the MQM had reached an agreement with influential quarters. These included the outcome of Senate elections and early legislation. Independent candidates, including Mohsin Naqvi, the former caretaker chief minister and Faisal Vawda, formerly a PTI stalwart, were accommodated. Naqvi became a senator, federal mnterior and chairman of the Pakistan Cricket Board.

Election 2024 will be remembered as one of Pakistan’s most controversial polls. The scale of rigging has been compared to 2018 and 2002.

The PTI accused the Election Commission of Pakistan, the establishment and former chief justice, Qazi Faez Isa, of orchestrating rigging. Its chairman, Gohar Ali Khan, alleged that, based on Form 45s (certified polling station vote count) his party had won 180 National Assembly seats. He said Form 47s were tampered with to change the results.

The government moved the 26th Amendment Bill in September, proposing 56 changes in the basic law. One of the most significant proposals was changes was the setting up of a federal constitutional court. The PTI and Jamiat Ulma-i-Islam-Fazl opposed the proposed bill. Sensing that the two-thirds majority required for constitutional legislation may not be available, the tabling of the bill was deferred for a while. Bilawal Bhutto, the PPP chairman, worked hard on an alternative draft and in the end persuaded JUI-F chief, Maulana Fazl-ur Rehman, to support it. Once the two sides agreed on the final draft, it was also shared with other political parties. The PTI, too, expressed satisfaction with the final draft but abstained from voting. Both the Senate and the National Assembly passed the 26th Amendment Bill on October 21. A constitutional bench has since been set up in the Supreme Court, the Supreme Judicial Council has been restructured and parliamentary leaders have been included in the recruitment and accountability processes, including the appointment of the chief justice of Pakistan.

Several parties including the PTI as well as several individuals have filed petitions against the 26th Amendment, arguing that the legislation has undermined the independence of superior judiciary.

The PTI social media had alleged in the run-up to the 26^th Amendment that the government was laying the groundwork for an extension in service for Justice Isa. After the then chief justice categorically denied this, and sources close to him said that he was determined not to accept an offer of extension, it was alleged that he would be made head of the proposed constitutional court. The PTI also demanded that Justice Mansoor Ali Shah, the senior-most judge who had authored the verdict favouring the PTI in the reserved seats case, be appointed as the next chief justice.

On October 25, Justice Yahya Afridi, third on the seniority list, was appointed the new chief justice. The petitions against the 26th Amendment are to be heard by the Constitutional Bench of the SC, formed under the same amendment. Justice Mansoor Ali Shah has since written letters to the chief justice and asked him to fix the petition before the full court.

In November, the parliament extended tenures of the chiefs of Army, Navy and Air Force from three to five years. To this end, amendments were introduced in the Pakistan Army Act 1952 and the Navy and Air Force Acts. The government said that these amendments were needed to bring stability and continuity in the military leadership.

This legislation lends credence to the perception of good ties between the military and the ruling coalition.

The PTI raised concerns against the amendments, saying these should have been debated more thoroughly. Some independent critics too said that hurried legislation tended to undermine democratic norms. Under the new rules, the army chief’s term stands extended until 2027.

The PTI leaders called for yet another march on Islamabad on November 24, followed by a sit-in at D Chowk. This time the main procession was led by Imran Khan’s spouse Bushra Bibi and Chief Minister Ali Amin Gandapur. Despite a clear direction by the Islamabad High Court against a sit-in at D Chowk and the government’s offer to hold allow a demonstration at Sangjani, Bushra Bibi directed the rally to D Chowk. The PTI demanded the immediate release of Khan and other political workers, withdrawal of the 26th Amendment and recognition of its electoral victory.

A police official was shot allegedly by a participant of the PTI march and three Rangers officials were run over by a vehicle. Later, following a clash between the protesters and the security forces Bushra Bibi and Gandapur left the scene and reached Mansehra. Police arrested hundreds of PTI workers.

The PTI alleged that the security forces had shot at its supporters. MNA Latif Khosa, speaking in a TV programme, claimed that the security officials had killed 278 people. Later, PTI’s official spokesman, Waqas Akram, said 12 people were killed.

Federal Information Minister Atta Tarar claimed that the security forces did not fire at the crowd. He said the PTI leaders should prove their claims and identify the deceased.

Instead, the PTI has threatened to launch another march to Islamabad and a Civil Disobedience Campaign if its demands are not met. However, the government has stood its ground.

The year is ending with a good omen, which is the start of a dialogue between the ruling coalition and the PTI. Urged by National Assembly speaker, Sardar Ayaz Sadiq, the two sides have formed their committees, which have started meeting. Some of the leaders on both sides are not optimistic about the outcome. However, most veterans say that once parties to a conflict come to the negotiation table, positive results generally follow.

The author is a senior journalist, teacher of journalism, writer and analyst. He tweets at @BukhariMubasher