he state and government of Pakistan have always been a target of criticism by various groups and segments of society. Some of this criticism tends to be disruptive and an obstacle to the smooth functioning of the state. The persistent feeling of otherness vis a vis the state is rooted in our history of colonialism. In some instances, it can be explained in terms of a religion-based ideation of nationhood. The absence of functional democracy can always cause a political disconnect. The modern techno-social environment can quickly enhance it with its wide circulation tools. The following are a few examples of this: some Sunni groups insist on a khilafa and refuse to live under a democracy, calling a democratic government un-Islamic. This narrative is used mostly to gain unaccountable power. Some Shia activists aspire to a Vilayat-i-Pakistan aligned with either Iran or Iraq. The Pakistani state, with its current constitution, is un-Islamic to most of them, hence, unworthy of obedience.

Many Baloch and Pashtun nationalists have misgivings against the state whose policies, according to their perceptions, are dominated by a bias in favour of Punjabi citizens. In Urban Sindh, Urdu speaking and Sindhi nationalist groups have accused the state of a prejudice against them over various periods.

Lack of universal literacy has resulted in some segments of the society having too great or too low expectations from the state. Many have thus come to view the state and the governments as insensitive.

Some public intellectuals inspired by Leftist ideologies consider the state an inherently exploitative structure, a vestige from the colonial era that was never dismantled after the emergence of Pakistan. A bourgeois capitalist class, they complain, is bleeding the state and the society dry through its monopolies on subsidies. They believe the state to be a usurper.

Ironically, the capitalist class is not satisfied with the governments either. Industrialists, agriculturists and traders complain that the governments represent obstacles to their enterprises and they never have adequate input in policy formulation.

Marginalised communities, including religious and ethnic minorities, as well as gender rights activists, see the state as siding with their oppressors.

These segments see the government and the state in a negative light. Public servants who derive perks, privileges and a sense of power and identity from the government, take these for granted. 

Many of the overseas Pakistanis, especially those currently residing in the West, are quite bitter too. Their own identity crisis in the West and deep emotional traumas associated with migration have made them unhappy citizens in both realms. Some of them are always willing to fund campaigns against the incumbent Pakistani governments. In some cases this is meant to curry favour with politicians who might form a government in the future.

All these segments see the government/ state in negative light. On the other hand, many public servants who derive perks, privileges and a sense of power and identity from the government, take these for granted. Many of them criticise the government without any remorse.

In recent years, many veterans have joined the “critics brigade” and become quite vocal.

Why these groups don’t trust the state is an important question worthy of careful examination.

How can a state or a government be effective if large groups of people it works for see it as unrepresentative and the other?

A satisfactory resolution of the crisis requires more transparency and visible meritocracy. The governments must take all kinds of measures to win the trust of all Pakistanis and build peace in conflict zones. It must demonstrate that all its decision are based on merit and taken in the interest of all Pakistanis. This, surely, is long-term project.

Some short-term populist measures can improve the environment for a while, but will only buy the government a little time. Our governments need to be more inclusive. To this end, they should form partnerships with various segments of the society.

Many in the Pakistani society define power incorrectly. Not every person in a government office who exercises certain authority as powerful.

Governments should have a clear communication strategy that explains the power distribution and how government decisions are arrived at. Those unaware of the decision making process will always have wrong notions about authority, perks and privileges.

The author is a freelance writer. He can be reached at wasifmumtaz70@gmail.com