Times have changed and so have politics. The Pakistan Peoples Party, once Pakistan’s most popular, has seen its support and influence wane drastically. Once supported across the country, the PPP has nearly vanished from the Punjab as it marks its 57th Foundation Day. What went wrong for the party whose history is marked by unparalleled suffering, including the execution of its founder on April 4, 1979; and the assassination of his daughter on December 27, 2007 besides countless arrests, floggings, self-immolations and torture of its workers?

It seems that the party lost its direction after 2008. However, there is still time to learn from its mistakes.

In 1966, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto received unprecedented support after resigning from Ayub Khan’s cabinet. He had become quite popular following his oratory at the United Nations and his public disagreement with the government over the Tashkent agreement. Traveling by train, Bhutto was greeted by massive crowds at every railway station. This was a spontaneous show of admiration and solidarity. Those who witnessed it recall the overwhelming response he garnered without any formal organisation, a testament to his charisma.

The idea of forming a political party developed after he returned to his native Larkana. There, he engaged with political leaders, writers and intellectuals — most of whom leaned to the Left.

In early to mid-1967, two leftist thinkers, JA Rahim and Dr Mubashir Hassan, persuaded Bhutto to form a party. While they agreed on a socialist programme, there was some initial disagreement over the party’s name. These pioneers were later joined by a diverse group of thinkers, writers, lawyers and politicians. After months of discussions, they decided to hold a convention in Lahore to formally establish the party.

Among the party’s founding fathers were political stalwarts such as Mahmood Ali Kasuri, Malik Meraj Khalid, Sheikh Rasheed Ahmad, Makhdoom Muhammad Zaman Talib-ul-Maula, Rasul Bux Talpur, Sheikh Rafiq Ahmed and Meraj Mohammad Khan.

The Ayub regime, tried to suppress the initiative using a carrot and stick approach. Section 144 of the CrPC was invoked to prohibit public gatherings. In the end, it was decided that the convention be held in the lawn of Dr Mubashir Hassan’s residence, at 4-K, Gulberg, Lahore.

The two-day convention took place on November 30 and December 1. Participation required a registration fee of Rs 20. Hundreds of people attended and receiving membership cards. In the 1990s, the late Mahmood Haider Naqvi, a diehard worker, proudly showed me his membership fee receipt.

The foundation manifesto was drafted by Bhutto, Mubashir and Rahim, with input from others. It laid out the party’s vision and objectives. After some debate, the convention participants agreed to name organisation the Pakistan Peoples Party. A consensus was also reached on the design of the party flag.

The party’s programme was summarised in four key points: Our faith is Islam; our politics democracy; our economy socialism; people are the source of all power.

The PPP’s journey has been marked by periods of struggle, triumph, failure, suppression and compromises. Like other ideological parties such as the Jamaat-i-Islami and Communist Party, the PPP has faced difficult challenges including severe persecution.

Its history can be divided into four or five distinct phases.

From 1967 to 1971, the party’s rapid rise culminated in a phenomenal victory in the 1970 elections as it became the largest parliamentary party in West Pakistan within three years of its founding. However, rifts emerged soon when some leaders opposed the postponement of the National Assembly session after the election. Ahmad Raza Kasuri famously defied Bhutto by announcing his intention to attend the NA session Bhutto wanted postponed or boycotted.

From 1972 to 1977, the PPP was in power. While Bhutto’s policies, such as nationalising major industries and education provoked debate and calls for resistance, those were mostly in line with the party’s manifesto. Key achievements of the government included the framing and adoption of the 1973 constitution; progress on Pakistan’s nuclear programme, the hosting of the OIC summit in 1974, land reforms and the generic medicine initiative. Unlike some other politicians, Bhutto was never accused of corruption.

Begum Nusrat Bhutto accused party leaders of failing to save his life. Workers waited for a ‘final call’ from the Central Committee to rally for street agitation that never came. Their frustration resulted in a backlash against some leaders. Some of them were physically assaulted. Begum Bhutto and her daughter, Benazir Bhutto, took to the streets and were detained.

Despite his undeniable charisma and many achievements, Bhutto had his opponents. One of his major weaknesses was his reputation for intolerance for dissent. His treatment of party colleagues like JA Rahim and later Meraj Mohammad Khan was simply unacceptable. The government also got a bad name for banning newspapers and magazines and persecuting journalists and publishers. His decision to ban the left-wing National Awami Party and impose Governor’s Rule in Balochistan, followed by a military operation that led to the resignation of the NAP and JUI coalition government in protest, appears unnecessary in hindsight.

By the mid-1970s, Bhutto had surrounded himself with self-serving right-wing leaders. His decision to call early elections backfired. He had apparently failed to anticipate that the announcement will unite the opposition against him and the PPP.

There was no need for him to be elected unopposed. However, this was achieved through administrative machinery. Chief ministers followed suit. Maulana Shah Ahmad Noorani, the late Jamiat Ulemai-i-Pakistan leader, would later say, “Bhutto was a popular leader even in 1977. We knew the PPP could secure a simple majority, but the PNA’s share of the NA seats was going to increase. There was no need for rigging or for getting himself elected unopposed.” These missteps paved the way for a martial law that was imposed on July 5, 1977.

The period from 1977 to 1987 was the most challenging for the PPP. ZA Bhutto was convicted of murder in a judicial process that has since been discredited and executed on April 4, 1979. His wife, Begum Nusrat Bhutto, accused some of the party leaders of failing to save his life. Many party workers waited for a ‘final call’ from the Central Committee to launch street agiation that never came. There was a severe backlash against some of the leaders. Some of them were physically assaulted. Begum Bhutto and her daughter, Benazir Bhutto, took to the streets and were detained.

Bhutto’s trial and conviction are remembered as one of the darkest chapters in Pakistan’s political history. The reaction took two forms: one militant, with hardliners hijacking a PIA plane leading to the release (and exile) of 54 political prisoners; the other political, through the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy. While Bhutto’s son, Mir Murtaza Bhutto, supported militancy, his daughter Benazir Bhutto opted for political struggle. The MRD became one of the most effective movements in Pakistan’s history. Unlike the street agitation of 1967 or 1977, which resulted in martial laws, the 1983 MRD movement significantly weakened the martial law regime and forced Gen Zia-ul Haq to hold party-less elections.

From 1987 to 2007, the PPP experienced a mix of successes and failures. Benazir Bhutto made history by being elected as the first woman prime minister of a Muslim majority country. However, she faced significant resistance from the establishment. Her decision not to contest the 1988 elections under the MRD platform proved costly. Her first government lasted only 18 months. It was dismissed

The establishment’s resistance to Benazir was evident. The 1990 Asghar Khan case reinforced this narrative. However, Benazir and Nawaz Sharif eventually realised their mistake and signed the historic Charter of Democracy in 2006 to give Pakistani politics a new direction.

Benazir’s biggest political mistake arguably was to agree under US pressure to working with Gen Pervez Musharraf. She was quick to realise that this was a trap. When Musharraf offered to facilitate her party’s electoral success in her absence, she rejected the proposal. On her return to Pakistan, On Octobe 18, 2007, she was greeted by a massive crowd. Twin suicide attacks on her procession were the first serious warning. However, Benazir was not deterred. On December 27, 2007, looking poised to return to power, she was assassinated in Rawalpindi.

After 2007, the party’s leadership transitioned to a different political approach. Asif Ali Zardari made history by ensuring that the National Assembly completed a full five-year term and that an elected government was followed by another elected government. However, under his leadership, the party lost its foothold in the Punjab. The politics in the Punjab now revolves around the PML-N and the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf. A PPP resurgence in the Punjab seems increasingly unlikely.

Pakistan is once again going through political chaos. The recent events in Islamabad have further deepened uncertainty. Free and fair elections, respect for the people’s mandate and adherence to the rule of law remain elusive. Elected governments have been reluctant to empower local governments and the establishment retains control over major decisions. Judicial overreach has damaged the credibility of superior courts and the media faces pressure from state as well as non-state actors. Unregulated digital platforms are increasingly setting the narrative.

As the PPP completes its 57 years, it has an opportunity for a fresh start. It can undertake a separation of party and government roles, and appoint senior leaders to head the PPP-Parliamentarians. Currently, Asif Ali Zardari is president of Pakistan, president of the PPP-P and co-chairman of the PPP. It’s time for Bilawal Bhutto Zardari to assert and establish a new democratic order.

The writer is a columnist and analyst for GEO, The News and Jang. His X handle: @MazharAbbasGEO