Sufism and social stratification

Sufism emerged as an upholder of human equality in a highly polarised, class- and caste-based South Asian society

Sufism and social stratification


M

ysticism is a global phenomenon. It refers to a tendency that can be found in nearly all religious traditions, including but not limited to Hinduism, Buddhism, Manichaeism, Zoroastrianism, Judaism, Christianity and Islam. In Islam, this tradition is generally referred to as Sufism or tasawwuf. The term Sufism is of German coinage. In 1821, a Latin work by FAG Tholuck, a German professor of divinity, introduced the term. It seems to be an Anglicised version of the word tasawwuf. The postfix ‘ism’ refers to a philosophy or system. Later, the term was popularised by the British orientalists.

Tanvir Anjum, a celebrated historian of Sufism, writes in her book Chishti Sufis in the Sultanate of Delhi (2011) that “an individual who gets associated with Sufism or becomes a seeker of divine truth is described as a Sufi.”

Sufi traditions emerged early in Islam and subsequently took a wide variety of devotional, doctrinal and institutional forms. The role and recognition of Sufism expanded with its transformation from individual Sufi shaykhs to institutions of Sufi silsilahs. South Asia was among the regions where Sufis organized their activities. They travelled to this area due to both push and pull factors.

From ancient days South Asia had been a region divided on the basis of caste, creed, gender and ethnicity. Even after the establishment of Muslim rule in India, the class- and caste-based identities of South Asian society remained intact among the non-Muslims as well as some Muslims. However, the Sufis of South Asia, who stressed upon the egalitarian principles of Islam, rejected these identities and tried to break these barriers. The notions of racial superiority and class structure in medieval South Asia were meaningless in the Sufi worldview. The Sufis stressed upon human equality and love.

Chishti and Suhrawardi orders were established in India during the Thirteenth Century; the late Fifteenth Century witnessed the arrival of Qadri and Naqshabandi silsilahs. Historically, the Indian society had had social divisions based on birth-ascribed or primordial identities. Most of the medieval Indian Muslim rulers also adopted a non-egalitarian and discriminatory approach. The ruling elite adopted policies that were not based on social equality. There was considerable racial and ethnic discrimination in their conduct.

Resultantly, the Muslim society in South Asia was divided into two layers: ashraf, meaning noble or high born and ajlaf (mean low born). The ashraf included immigrants from Arabia, Persia, Central and West Asia and Afghanistan; their descendants; and converts from the higher Hindu castes. On the other hand, natives including Muslim converts from lower strata of the society were considered ajlaf. The ashraf held important positions in the administrative setup under the Muslim kings. However, the common people i.e. ajlaf, including the Hindus and Indian Muslims, were treated with mistrust and discriminated against. Generally, they were not appointed to high official positions.

In a caste-ridden society, the Sufis provided an alternative social space in direct opposition to the established norms of Indian society. 

This classification on the basis of racial or ethnic identities was meaningless in the Sufi worldview, according to which all humans were equal, the only distinction among them was based on their relationship with the God Almighty and known only to God. In a deeply discriminatory environment, the Sufis stood as upholders of human equality.

The Sufi khanqahs were a classless place. People from all races and economic groups were entertained and treated alike. The Sufi shaykhs preached egalitarian values, and their khanqahs were a practical manifestation of this inclusive culture. In a caste-ridden society, the Sufis provided an alternative social space in direct opposition to the static norms of Indian society. The khanqahs and shrines of the Sufis were open to even low-caste Hindus and untouchables.

Sufis denounced birth-ascribed identities. While many of the principal Chishti adepts were Saiyyids, they never boasted about it. Instead, they preferred to be called shaykh or khwajah. Khwajah Mu’in-ud Din Chishti, Khwajah Qutb-ud Din Bakhtiyar Kaki and Khwajah Nizam-ud Din Awliya are examples of this. On the other hand, the Sufis associated with the so-called low-caste professions or castes never sought to deny or conceal the fact. Several early Sufi shaykhs in South Asia adopted humble professions and were never ashamed of that identity. Shaykh Hamid-ud Din Sufi Suwali (d. 1274), a prominent disciple of Khwajah Mu‘in Din Chishti, used to plough a small tract of land in the Suwal village in Nagour (Rajputana). Shaykh ’Ayn-ud Din of Delhi was a butcher by profession. Shaykh Mahmud Muyina-duz was a maker of leather garments. Shah Abd-ul Latif Qadiri (d. 1556), popularly known as Bari Imam, used to tend buffaloes.

The Sufis not only practiced this notion of human equality, they also launched a campaign against birth-ascribed discrimination through various literary genres - prose and poetry. Sufi poets like Shah Hussain (d. 1599), Sultan Bahu (d. 1691), Bulhe Shah, (1680-1758), Rahman Baba (d. 1706), Mast Tawakli (d. 1892), Mian Muhammad Bakhsh (d. 1907) and Khwajah Ghulam Farid (d. 1901) also preached a message of love, inclusiveness and humanity in their poetry. Shah Abd-ul Latif Bhitai of Sindh (1689-1752), strongly opposed the caste system, and challenged class discrimination in his poetic compositions. Sachal Sarmast (1739–1827), another Sufi poet of Sindh, addressed and highlighted the social, political and religious issues of his times in his poetry. Sufis preferred to identify with the oppressed and the marginalised sections of the society.

However, there is contrary evidence as well. Many of the lineal descendants of these Sufis reverted to the South Asian culture of class-based divisions. Some of these sajjada nashins are now among the political and social elites of the South Asian society and generally maintain a measured distance from the common people. During the Pakistan movement of 1940s, the sajjada nashins and gaddi nashins had an important role in sharpening the religious identities. Many joined the platform of All India Muslim League.


Dr Muhammad AbrarZahoor heads the History Department at University of Sargodha. He has worked as a research fellow at Royal Holloway College, University of London. He can be reached at abrar.zahoor@hotmail.com His X handle: @AbrarZahoor1

Dr Zafar Mohyuddin is an assistant professor of history at University of Sargodha. He can be reached at zmgilani@gmail.com

Sufism and social stratification