he functions and activities of the Shanghai Cooperation Orgamisation encompass a broad spectrum, suggesting that its influence in the years and decades ahead could be substantial. The organisation holds the potential to replicate ASEAN’s achievements in economic integration and development.

In addition to addressing economic, trade and other matters, the joint communiqué has underscored the importance of “initiatives to foster interaction aimed at building a new model of international relations founded on mutual respect, justice, equality and mutually beneficial cooperation.” Furthermore, the heads of the delegations highlighted that “the unilateral imposition of sanctions contradicts the principles of international law.” In this context, the SCO presents a coherent challenge to unilateral coercive actions in international politics.

The meeting, hence, serves to promote regional economic and socio-cultural relations, which may ultimately contribute to ease at least some of the existing rivalries.

India’s Foreign Minister S Jaishankar shared cordial exchange with Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif during a dinner and with Deputy Prime Minister Ishaq Dar during a luncheon. This raised hopes of an eventual positive outcome from his visit.

Meetings among various leaders on the sidelines have also proven valuable for advancing bilateral relations among member states. For instance, the prime ministers of Pakistan and China witnessed the signing of 13 MoUs. Similarly, the prime ministers of Pakistan and Tajikistan held discussions on the potential to strengthen economic and trade ties. The Tajik leader, Qohir Rasulzoda, thanked Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif for a recent sugar sale to his country, indicating the presence of opportunities for enhancing bilateral trade between the two countries.

The October 16 meeting of the SCO Council of the Heads of Government offered Pakistan a valuable opportunity to further strengthen its cordial relations with China. This gathering is expected to bolster Pakistan’s relations with all SCO member states, including China, Russia and the Central Asian states. Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif voiced Pakistan’s ambition to extend the BRI and benefit from the International North-South Transport Corridor.

India’s entry into a China-led international multilateral organisation has contributed to relative stability in the region. Cooperation between China and India within the SCO framework has softened some of the sharper tensions arising from their longstanding rivalry. While immediate resolutions are unlikely, this cooperation could pave the way over time for border openings similar to Khunjerab. However, such progress would require India to align itself with SCO objectives and consider the legitimate concerns and interests of other member states. A notable step in this direction was the June 2006 agreement to reopen the trade route at Nathu La pass in the Himalayas, a passage that had been closed since the 1962 Sino-Indian war—a landmark achievement in bilateral relations.

The Indian presence at the platform enabled Pakistan to adopt a more balanced stance. Without India as a member, Pakistan would likely appear more closely aligned with China. However, like other international forums, the Pak-India rivalry has also influenced the SCO where India has to deal with Pakistan on equal terms.

Several SCO countries, among them Pakistan and China, contend with political violence instigated by both local and foreign non-state actors. At the SCO summit in Astana, Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif had called on the Taliban administration to take concrete measures to ensure that Afghan soil was not used against other states. He reaffirmed this stance in his address at the SCO-CHG on October 16. How well the Afghan Taliban will respond to such appeals remains uncertain.

The SCO faces significant challenges, including territorial disputes and lack of grassroots democracy in some of the member states. The ongoing territorial disputes between Pakistan and India, as well as between China and India, have historically hindered and will likely continue to obstruct efforts for greater cooperation in the region.

Should the competition among key stakeholders within the SCO, particularly regarding access to Central Asian energy resources, remain constructive, a mutually beneficial outcome is achievable. However, if this competition takes a negative turn, leading to political and trade conflicts among members, the goals of the SCO could be gravely undermined.

India’s ambivalence towards the SCO may hinder progress in achieving its objectives. Given its rivalries with Pakistan and China, it is conceivable for India to adopt a strategy aimed at impeding the organisation’s advancement. Member states will need to remain vigilant in this regard. By distancing itself from the SCO, India can hinder the developmental momentum of the SCO. Also, it can garner the support of China’s global rivals, who appreciate India’s efforts to disrupt SCO initiatives and activities.

It is unlikely, however, that India will want to be perceived as a spoiler to the extent that other member states feel compelled to invoke Article 13 of the SCO charter to suspend or expel it. Similarly, India is likely to refrain from invoking this article to withdraw from its membership.

In a research paper published prior to India’s accession to the SCO, Nicklas Norling and Niklas Swanstrom of the Institute for Security and Development Policy in Sweden had anticipated that India’s stance toward the SCO could potentially compromise the organisation’s ability to establish a framework for multilateral cooperation.

Russia appears increasingly motivated, particularly since its invasion of Ukraine, to leverage the SCO as a counterweight to its Western adversaries. Recently, it has urged SCO member states to challenge the influence of the IMF in the region. India’s inflexible stance on regional issues and Russia’s confrontational approach towards the West do not align well with China’s emphasis on “peaceful rise” and “shared prosperity” within the framework of the SCO.

The writer has a PhD in politics and international relations and is currently an assistant professor in the Department of Politics and International Relations at the University of Sargodha. He may be reached at writetoazam@hotmail.com