Reuters reported that at least 73 people had been killed in Balochistan following a series of violent attacks orchestrated by separatist militants from the Balochistan Liberation Army. Among the casualties were 21 BLA militants.

The coordinated assaults targeted police stations, railway lines and highways and provoked a strong retaliatory response from security forces. This wave of violence represents the most significant escalation in years by ethnic militants advocating for secession from Pakistan.

This region is strategically important due to major China-led projects, including a significant port and a valuable gold and copper mine. Notably, these attacks coincided with the anniversary of Akbar Bugti’s death. Bugti, a tribal chief and former governor of the province, was killed on August 26, 2006 allegedly at Pervez Musharraf’s behest. That was a watershed moment in the recent history of the region, which has not seen peace and tranquillity ever since.

The militants employed a brutal strategy, stopping vehicles at roadside pickets to check passengers’ IDs before executing them and setting the vehicles on fire. In a meticulously planned operation over the weekend, the BLA, which claimed that 800 fighters participated in their campaign dubbed Haruf, (dark windstorm), targeted crucial infrastructure throughout the province.

Chief Minister Sarfaraz Bugti said that the militants detained victims for about half an hour before executing them at a distance of 100 to 200 metres from the road. The BLA has warned that the second phase of their operation will be more intense and widespread.

Meanwhile, other political leaders and organisations are losing influence and popular support due to Islamabad’s apparent reluctance to engage in negotiation. This includes people like Hidayat-ur Rehman and Mahrang Baloch, who have both been sidelined by those in power.

The insurgency is rooted in a complex interplay of economic, cultural and political factors that have fuelled the ongoing conflict in the region.

Economic disparity is a significant catalyst for the insurgency. Balochistan contributed 4.9 percent of Pakistan’s GDP in the mid-1970s. Its share has since dwindled to 3.7 percent. This economic decline is accompanied by dire social indicators including the highest infant and maternal mortality rates, the highest poverty rate and the lowest literacy rate in the country.

In a stark contrast, the province’s elite — comprising provincial ministers and officials — own extensive properties and luxury vehicles. The glaring disparity between the affluent few and the impoverished many exacerbates feelings of injustice and fuels insurgent sentiments.

Development issues further exacerbate the conflict. Balochistan’s share of gas revenues is disproportionately lower than other provinces. Benefits of measures such as the Rs 120 billion Aghaz-i-Haqooq-i-Balochistan package in 2011, have been undermined by corruption and mismanagement. This has led to inadequate infrastructure development and persistent economic hardship.

Regional inequalities also play a role. The extensive infrastructure developed by the British in northern Balochistan, predominantly inhabited by ethnic Pashtuns, has spurred greater economic development in those areas. This has intensified nationalist sentiments among ethnic Baloch in the southern parts of the province, who feel marginalised by the uneven development.

The development of Gwadar Port, acquired back from Oman in 1958 and expanded significantly since 2002, has also contributed to the grievances. Construction has relied heavily on workers and supervisors from abroad and other parts of the country, with very little employment for locals. The establishment of a separate town for workers has further deepened the divide between the local population and the outsiders.

The influx of skilled workers from other regions, necessitated by a shortage of local labour, has facilitated industrial growth but also fostered resentment among locals who feel sidelined. Additionally, the arrival of approximately 4 million Afghan refugees following the Soviet invasion has led to a demographic shift and feelings of marginalisation among Baloch nationalists, further fuelling insurgency.

Education is a critical area of concern. The government has taken steps to improve educational opportunities for Baloch students, such as doubling their quota at Punjab University in 2010 and offering scholarships. However, these measures have yet to substantially rectify the educational disparity.

The military intervention in Balochistan is perceived as biased and heavy-handed and has contributed to an increase in violence. Reports indicate widespread human rights abuses, mass internal displacement and significant civilian casualties.

The harsh responses have alienated moderate Baloch and intensified insurgent activities. Practices such as the imprisonment of civilians without charges and routine kidnappings have only deepened discontent and further intensified the insurgency. The insurgency is driven by a confluence of economic neglect, regional disparities, cultural tensions and political grievances. Addressing these issues requires a comprehensive approach that balances development, equity and human rights considerations.

In view of the context, the decision makers must take influential Baloch people like Hidayat-ur Rehman and Mahrang Baloch on board.

Mahrang Baloch, born in 1993 to a Baloch family in Quetta was thrust into activism at a young age. Her father, Abdul Ghaffar Langove, a labourer, was abducted allegedly by security forces in Karachi on December 12, 2009, causing Mahrang to join the student resistance movement. Tragically, in July 2011, her father was found dead. The body bore signs of torture. In December 2017, her brother was similarly abducted and detained for over three months. Mahrang has been a vocal critic of the government’s exploitation of Balochistan’s natural resources and has led significant protests, including a 2020 demonstration against the abolition quotas at Bolan Medical College. Balochistan Milli Yakjehti Committee (founded in 2020) was the main platform of her activities. In the end, the policy change was reveresed.

In 2023, Mahrang led the Baloch Long March, a protest rally from Turbat to Islamabad, to highlight human rights abuses and enforced disappearances in Balochistan. The march participants were brutalised and some of them were abducted allegedly by security agencies and detained by Islamabad police. Some of them were later released on bail. Other remain missing.

Maulana Hidayat-ur Rehman, who led the Gwadar Rights Movement (Haq Do Tehreek) for two years, became prominent as a result and was elected to the Provincial Assembly in February 2024. He is the first elected representative of the area from the fisher folk.

A Jamaat-i-Islami member since 2003, Rehman has criticised government policies he believes fail to allow local communities to benefit from Gwadar’s development and the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. His movement, marked by major rallies and protests, focused on advocating for basic rights and local livelihoods.

Rehman ran for office to address these issues directly and restore faith in democracy. He emphasises implementation of existing laws, particularly against illegal fishing and has successfully advocated for fisherfolk’s labour rights. Despite initial challenges in effecting legislative changes, he remains committed to ensuring Gwadar’s development benefits its local communities.

Facing opposition from entrenched political elites, Rehman values his grassroots origins and has challenged dynastic politics. His ability to mobilise women, including his mother, in his movement, has highlighted his commitment to inclusive advocacy.

Pakistan’s decision makers need to open a dialogue with influential figures, including tribal chiefs and politicians, such as Akhtar Mengal, Mahmood Khan Achakzai and Maulana Shirani. They should be convinced about Islamabad’s sincerity in resolving Balochistan’s problems. The state must do all that it can so that the political situation returns to order. This is the only way to restore peace to the region. (Concluded)

The writer is a professor in the Faculty of Liberal Arts at the Beaconhouse National University, Lahore.