akistan’s Game of Thrones has been confined lately to three political parties, the establishment and the judiciary, narrowing the space for small and regional political forces that are struggling to survive in the high tide of power politics, using various tactics to stay relevant.

Some parties such as the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam-Fazl, Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party, Awami National Party, Balochistan National Party and Jamaat-i-Islami have already lost a good deal of their parliamentary strength. At the same time, groups like the Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Pakistan and Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid have managed to increase their strength in the National Assembly and the Provincial Assemblies of Sindh and the Punjab.

All political parties, including parties in the ruling coalition, have accused the election commission of engineering the election results. The MQM, the PML-Q and the Istekham-i-Pakistan Party, however, were contented with the results.

The Election Commission of Pakistan’s decision to allot the seats reserved for women and minorities in the National and Provincial Assemblies pleased every parliamentary group, big or small, except the Sunni Ittehad Council and the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf. The biggest beneficiaries of the contested ECP decision were the components of the ruling coalition – the PML-N, the PPP and the MQM – which got a good number of reserved seats, taking their strength in the National Assembly to barely short of a two-thirds majority.

The Peshawar High Court, ruling on a petition by the SIC, endorsed the ECP formula. However, the SIC challenged it in the Supreme Court, which after marathon hearings ordered allocation of the reserved seats to the PTI, to the utter disappointment of the beneficiaries of the ECP’s interpretation of the law. It was a severe blow also to the JUI-F, the ANP, the PkMAP and the JI.

The PkMAP, headed by Mahmood Khan Achakzai, has maintained that the elections were rigged and that the ECP marginalised the party’s success in Balochistan. During the process of the government formation, the PML-N did not contact Achakzai despite his friendship with Nawaz Sharif. The PkMAP had been an ally of the PML-N in 2013 in the federal and Balochistan governments when the PTI was trying to topple the government through street protests.

In a reaction apparently to the cold shoulder from the PML-N, Achakzai delivered a hostile speech in the parliament soon after taking the oath. He criticised the ECP and the establishment for rigging the election and urged the PML-N to hand over the government to the SIC/ PTI since it had won “a majority of the seats.” The speech won over the PTI leaders used to ridiculing him. As a result, the PTI made him its presidential candidate against Asif Zardari. Speaking on the polling day, Achakzai said, “I believe that Nawaz Sharif will vote for me.” However, Nawaz voted his commitment to Zardari and voted for the latter.

Later, the PTI nominated him to lead the Tehreek-i-Tahaffuz-i-Ayeen-i-Pakistan (Movement to Protect Pakistan’s Constitution), an alliance to press the government to accept their demands. The TTAP includes the PTI, the PkMAP, the BNP-M, the SIC, the MWM and the JI.

The PTI’s incarcerated supremo Imran Khan also empowered Achakzai to negotiate with the political and other forces. PTI insiders claim that he has not been fully mandated in this regard. Now, Achakzai is trying simultaneously to negotiate with the government and leading an anti-government movement.

JUI chief Maulana Fazl-ur Rehman too has held that his party has been a victim of rigging. The Maulana won a seat from Balochistan after not having been elected in 2018. Interestingly, in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, his traditional stronghold, he lost against PTI-backed candidates. He too has joined hands with the PTI to protest the alleged rigging. The JUI-F is an important component of the Achakzai-led TTAP. As a result of the recent SC verdict, the JUI-F has lost reserved seats in the KP and Balochistan Assemblies. Maulana Fazl-ur Rehman is again trying to enter the power corridors by flexing his street muscle. He has warned the government and other power centres of a possible long march.

Awami National Party, once the most popular party in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan, has lost ground in both these provinces. It is now part of the ruling coalition in Islamabad. The SC verdict has reduced its parliamentary strength. However, its young chief Aimal Wali Khan is trying to keep the party relevant by holding meetings with heads of other political parties. Recently, the ANP won a Provincial Assembly seat from Bajaur against a PTI-backed candidate.

Jamat-i- Islami, a former ally to the PML-N as well as the PTI, is also protesting against the rigging. The JI is a part of the TTAP. Its new ameer, Hafiz Naeem-ur Rehman, is trying to mobilise the party’s supporters by holding protest demonstrations and sit-ins against Israel’s aggression in Palestine and price-hike in Pakistan.

Thick smoke on the political horizon caused by a tug of war in the power corridors and increasing polarisation has eclipsed the existence and role of small parties. It seems that to remain relevant they will have to become a part of either camp.

The writer is a senior journalist, teacher of journalism, writer and analyst. He tweets at @BukhariMubasher