ust days before the Muharram Ashura, DSP Ali Raza, was gunned down in Karachi. The murder has sent shockwaves throughout the country’s financial capital.

The targeted killing has raised concerns about the potential for further violence and terrorism and serves as a grim reminder of the ongoing threat posed by terrorist groups and their extremist ideologies.

Early investigations have established that two suspects were involved in the killing. According to police sources, eyewitnesses have identified one of the attackers. He was seen entering the neighbourhood on a motorcycle, accompanied by another man who wore a helmet. Using a 9mm pistol, he shot Raza as soon as he stepped down from his jeep. “So far, the use of this handgun in another crime has not been established,” they said.

Reports suggest that Raza had been under surveillance. This has brought the Karachi CTD under immense scrutiny for failing to anticipate the threat. More than 1,000 police officers have been murdered by terrorists across the country since 2001.

Operations are underway in parts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan to combat the persistent threat of Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan, the Baloch Liberation Army and the Baloch Republican Army. Some areas in these provinces have witnessed a surge in suicide bombings and explosions, resulting in losses for the military, police and civilians.

Like Peshawar and Lahore, Karachi has suffered devastating bouts of terrorism over the last few years. Several terrorist groups have active or sleeper cells in the city.

On Wednesday, the CTD announced the arrest of a high-profile Taliban leader, Shoaib, allegedly wanted for killing 16 labourers and for attacks against security forces in Darra Adamkhel. Carrying Rs 2 million head money, Shoaib had allegedly also planned to attack a Muharram procession in Karachi.

According to senior police officers, DSP Raza was a dedicated and professional officer. Raza’s over two decades of association with anti-Taliban campaigns, particularly disrupting Taliban networks, may have made him a high-value target for the TTP. Raza had also worked to combat sectarian violence in Karachi. He had led operations against both Sunni and Shia extremist groups, disrupting their networks and arresting key figures. Considering he was a Shia Muslim, his murder on the first day of Muharram may not have been a coincidence.

Home Minister Zia-ul Hassan Lanjhar says the possibility of an animosity resulting from the Lyari gang war is also being investigated.

Within hours of the gruesome murder, CTD SP Raja Umar Khattab announced the involvement of Lashkar-i-Jhangvi whose former chief, Hafiz Qasim Rasheed, has been recently released from jail. Qasim’s history of sectarian radicalism makes him a prime suspect in this case. He is alleged to have been involved in the 2016 murder of Amjad Sabri, the famous qawwal, MPA Ali Raza and some Rangers and army personnel. However, there has been no conviction in these cases.

These investigations were allegedly marred by poor evidence collection, flawed forensics and untrustworthy witness testimony. “Additionally, the prosecution was hindered by poor preparation, contradictory narratives and a failure to present compelling evidence,” analysts say.

Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan and the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi have previously carried out attacks in tandem. The two groups have coordinated their efforts to target Shia Muslims, Barelvis and security forces. They have also shared resources and expertise. They have provided safe havens and support to each other’s members. They have also conducted coordinated attacks like the 2013 bombing of a Shia mosque in Quetta that killed over 100 people. However, their relationship has been marked by periods of strain and rivalry.

SSP Umar Khattab identified a shift in strategy by the extremist groups now using Al Fajr media channel to publicise their attacks without explicitly claiming responsibility. “This tactic, observed elsewhere in the country, allows them to maintain secrecy around their operational hierarchy and membership while still disseminating their message and perpetuating violence. By avoiding explicit claims, they seek to evade detection and disruption by law enforcement and intelligence agencies,” he said.

IGP Ghulam Nabi Memon says DSP Raza was working on several high-profile investigations. The police, he says, are working on several leads. However, he says it will be premature to blame any group at this point in time. He also says, “It will be wrong to assume that since the unfortunate incident happened in Muharram, it could only be the undertaking of a sectarian outfit.”

Some other senior officers have also raised eyebrows at the “jumping to conclusions.” While they favour investigating the possible link between Hafiz Qasim Rasheed’s release and the attack, they say total reliance on one possibility may harm the investigation.

There have been incidents in the past where a sectarian target was taken out by hit-men from a Lyari gang. “Sometimes even the hitmen don’t know why a specific target was neutralised,” says an officer. “Besides people with different ideological backgrounds can organise within a hydra cell to carry out different tasks for money. This involves one providing logistic support to the hitmen, while some other individuals conduct reconnaissance,” he says.

Within 24 hours of DSP Raza’s murder, a Barelvi leader Qazi Abdul Qayyum, the Zakat Committee chairman of District Central, was gunned down in the same district. SSP Central Zeeshan Siddiqui described both actions as “an outcome of sectarian terrorism.”

This shows the lethality of terrorist design, says a senior intelligence officer. He says Ramazan and Muharram are perfectly suited to achieving the overarching objective of terrorism: causing fear among the targeted segments of society.

This seems to be happening again. Attacking clerical leadership of different sects is building up anger among their followers. Against the Muharram backdrop, some clerics are using social media to attack the rival sects. A prominent zakir has publicised plans for demonstrations at the shrine of Hazrat Abdullah Shah Ghazi. This has drawn a strong response from the Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan and the Sunni Tehreek. A prominent leader of the banned Sipah-i-Sahaba has threatened to organize a march alongside the Muharram processions. The volatile situation needs to be defused quickly before it slips out of control.

The toxicity has stirred up tension amidst the visit of Syedna Mufaddal Saifuddin, the spiritual leader of the Bohra community. Differently attired, the members of the Bohri community are drawing attention by attending the congregations.

While security measures are in place, the focus apparently needs to shift from politics to addressing radicalisation, bigotry and prejudice.

The contributor works for The News International