In the 1970s, the Hashtnagar movement spread to Peshawar, Mardan, Malakand, Dir, Swat, Bannu and Kohat. This lead to numerous disputes and clashes between landlords and tenants, particularly in the Tribal Areas. For instance, in Dir tenants faced demands for begar and qalang, remnants of feudal systems that were eventually abolished.

The movement faced various tenancy issues, eviction problems and crop sharing disputes, often leading to serious conflicts between peasants and landlords. One of the cornerstones of the peasant organisation in the Punjab was its longstanding policy of unity between peasants and workers.

In 1952, during the reorganisation of peasant groups, the Kisan Committees of the Punjab were formed and later merged with the Azad Pakistan Party. The 1960s saw the rise of various political groups and economic classes. Although people with large land holdings retained some control, it was weakened, allowing other economic categories to emerge.

Many landowners embraced the government-introduced Green Revolution technology package, which, despite high costs, was state-subsidised, enabling middle-class farmers to adopt it. This led to the rise of capitalist farmers who became a significant economic and political force.

This period also saw the emergence of small-scale manufacturers, skilled workers and an ancillary service sector, along with a disenfranchised, landless agricultural wage-labour class. The political ambitions of the new agricultural capitalists were partially addressed in Ayub Khan’s Basic Democracies scheme, which gave a voice to the middle-class peasantry but stopped short of granting real political power. This era marked the apprenticeship of rural politicians who would significantly impact the country’s political economy in the 1970s.

Despite these developments, the basic problems of peasants remained unaddressed. Land distribution issues persisted, especially in Sindh and southern Punjab, where inequality was staggering. Bondage in agrarian regions involved the sale of peasants, maintenance of private jails, forcible transference of educators and systematic abuse of peasant women by landlords and police.

In the Punjab, properties left by emigrant landlords were subdivided and redistributed among Muslim refugees. These smaller farms, managed by owner-cultivators, reduced the need for daily wage labour, leading to rural unemployment. Many small landowners, unable to finance rising cultivation costs, leased their land to larger landlords, eager to benefit from subsidised farm mechanisation. The introduction of tractors and other machinery further displaced agricultural day-labourers, exacerbating unemployment.

The land reforms and agrarian setup in Balochistan was little different from other provinces. The jagirdari system prevailed, with about 5 percent of the land suitable for agriculture. The rest consisted mostly of meadows. The batai system existed in various forms. Water supply was limited to the Pat river feeder and the karez system.

Post-independence land reforms aimed to convert absentee feudal landlords into capitalist landlords. Those holding large land tracts increased their political and economic power, imposing taxes on the poorest farmers and acquiring more land.

Historically, sardars had been revenue officers, not landowners. However, during the Ayub era, many manipulated records to become proprietors. State machinery allowed them to convert state taxes into personal revenue. The limited land reforms did not affect their vast land holdings.

Masud Khadarposh, known for his Note of Dissent, highlighted the dire conditions of the haris in Sindh, advocating for peasant proprietorship and equitable land distribution. He argued that the zamindari system was contrary to Islamic law and called for significant agrarian reforms to benefit cultivators and modernise agricultural production. His recommendations included abolition of landlordism, ensuring that land was only owned by those who cultivated it, and prohibiting leasing.

Feudal lords and tribal sardars dominated most of the rural Pakistan. A feudal-military-bureaucrat alliance governed Pakistan, sparking the formation of peasant organisations in response to oppressive policies. The Pakistan Kisan Committee was established alongside Pakistan’s creation. It was known in the Punjab as the Punjab Kisan Committee, in Sindh as the Sindh Hari Committee and in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa as the Sarhad Kisan Jirga.

In East Pakistan, the East Pakistan Kisan Sava was formed in 1948, with Moni Singh as president and Mansur Habibullah as the first general secretary. The Communist Party actively supported these movements.

The Communist Party of Pakistan was formed in 1948 during the Calcutta Congress, with Sajjad Zaheer as the first general secretary. The CPP controlled the Railway Workers Union and the Democratic Students Front. People like Mian Iftikhar-ud Din, who later formed the Azad Pakistan Party, were also influenced by communist ideologies. The party faced significant challenges, including the Rawalpindi Conspiracy Case, leading to its ban.

The Mazdoor Kisan Party led by Afzal Bangash emerged following a split in 1968 in the National Awami Party. Inspired by global movements, the MKP focused on peasant struggles in the KP. The MKP faced severe repression, including a significant clash in Mandani in 1971. The party split into factions in 1978 but remained influential among the peasantry.

The Sindh Hari Committee played a crucial role in advocating for the rights of haris (agricultural labourers) in Sindh, addressing issues like bonded labour, eviction and the unjust zamindari system. In 1955, the SHC demanded tenancy rights, a fair rental system, an end to forced labour and comprehensive tenancy laws.

Sindh is characterised by severe land inequality. Only 6 percent of landowners control 44 percent of the land. The majority haris live as sharecroppers under oppressive conditions, often receiving 25 percent of the harvest and being forced to sell their produce at prices set by the landlords. This results in chronic indebtedness and poverty among the haris.

Various peasant organizations, rising as a response to feudal dominance, played a crucial role in advocating for the rights and welfare of the peasant class.

Zamindars control vast landed properties and divide them among peasants/ workers on betai. Also known as talukdars or jagirdars, they wield significant influence in their territories, including powers of recruitment, revenue collection, taxation and magisterial authority.

The size of their land holdings and the population living on it exceeded those of some princely states. Several families have ancient lineages and were independent rulers in earlier periods of history. The hereditary and personal titles conferred on these families were almost indistinguishable from those held by ruling families.

Zamindars can be resident or absentee, possessing their holdings through inheritance and augmenting those by seizing common property. The power of landlords is linked to their policies. Landlords seldom contribute directly to agricultural production; instead, peasants or tenants work at subsistence levels, cultivating the lands for minimal returns.

The landlords, by virtue of their ownership and control of vast land and human resources, influence the distribution of water, fertilisers, tractor permits, agricultural credit and exercise considerable control over revenue, policing and judicial administration. This power often leads to human degradation within the feudal system.

Capitalist farmers own or purchase land for agricultural production. Most of their land is owned. The rest is acquired on tenancy or contract basis. They usually hire landless workers and peasants for wages and reap productivity benefits. The capitalist farmers have a significant role in Pakistan’s agriculture sector. They work in an organised manner to distribute and share crops, explore new cultivation methods and address other agricultural needs.

Family farmers, or middle class and poor peasants, own or possess land tenure-ship for their living. Sometimes they lease portions of their land to other farmers or tillers. For cultivation and harvesting, they rely on household support, involving the entire family, without hiring other workers.

Sharecroppers survive by cultivating rented lands and giving a share of the crops to the landowner. Poor landowners rent out small land parcels to increase their income. Feudal land tenure systems dominates large parts of Pakistan, with significant land ownership inequality. In Sindh, sharecropping is the predominant form of tenancy. In the Punjab, tenancies are split more evenly between share and fixed-rent contracts. Landlords have typically smaller holdings and are more likely to reside in the same village as their tenants.

Wage workers are poor individuals who sell their services. They do not own any land and depend on the lands of zamindars or capitalist farmers. They cultivate the lands in return for money, a share of the crop or other compensation. Their living conditions depend on the availability of work and land for cultivation. With the rise of self-cultivation on larger farms using tractors, landlords prefer hiring sharecroppers over permanent tenants.

Kisan conferences arose in response to feudal oppression, fostering rebellion among peasants. These conferences aimed to bring awareness and mobilisation to the peasantry through speeches, gatherings and conferences. Notable conferences were held in East Pakistan under the leadership of Moni Singh and Mansur Habibullah, and in West Pakistan under the Communist Party. These conferences addressed issues like the elimination of feudalism; the cessation of disproportionate fines and taxes; and the fair distribution of crops. Some of these movements lead to significant reforms and continued advocacy for peasant rights.

The writer is a professor in the faculty of Liberal Arts at the Beaconhouse National University, Lahore