bout ten years ago, I received a call from an unfamiliar number. The caller showed keen interest in the energy sector dynamics. He was especially eager to discuss problems associated with allegedly inflated power bills, declining natural gas availability and the rising prices. He was also interested in brainstorming key areas of Pakistan’s natural gas economy, particularly depleting reserves, dwindling exploration, constrained domestic use and the distribution among provinces.

Coupled with electric power shortfall, an acute scarcity of natural gas was choking the national economy. This would soon prompt the then government to set up the first dedicated LNG import terminal at Karachi port on war-footing next year, in 2014. The initiative helped address the chronic shortage as Shahid Khaqan Abbasi, the then petroleum minister in the federal government, and Sheikh Imranul Haq, the founding chief of the first LNG terminal, burnt midnight oil to complete infrastructure project in just about a year.

Despite commendable seriousness shown by the government in constructing a long-overdue project, energy sector woes continued, primarily due to the lack of a multi-pronged long-term policy. This was another concern of my caller who said he had pondered over all kinds of ways and means to alleviate the hardship of the common man.

He had introduced himself as as Hafiz Naeem-ur Rehman, the Jamaat-i-Islami Karachi emir. He had already started raising his voice for the resolution of energy crisis issues in the metropolitan. Particularly perturbed over the poor power distribution network in Karachi, he vigorously highlighted issues of bogus power bills and extreme power outages by launching a Haq Do Tehreek for Karachiites.

His untiring advocacy, numerous demonstrations, public meetings, media interaction and forceful use of social media platforms, earned him a reputation. Interestingly, while there was no coordination at the party level, a similar movement was later launched by Maulana Hidayat-ur Rehman in Gwadar, calling out officials for their apathy towards the common man.

Slowly, the hard work started paying off both in terms of relief for the citizens and the two leaders’ political fortunes. Naeem led his party to considerable success in local government elections and was declared elected as a member of the Provincial Assembly in the 2024 general election. However, he refused to accept the result, saying another candidate had actually received more votes and that there had been massive rigging. Hidayat was elected as a member of the Provincial Assembly from Gwadar.

Earlier this month, Hafiz Naeem-ur Rehman was elected the party’s central emir.

There are several takeaways from the rise of Hafiz Naeem. This is a turning point on the one hand for the Jamaat, and on the other Naeem has joined the list of Islamist leaders reaching top political positions following their securing success in city politics.

Naeem will also count among relatively young national-level leaders who appear to be taking over from the old guard in many parties. Observers have said these energetic and educated politicians have immense potential.

While they have been more popular with the voters, the PML-N, the PPP and the PTI lack transparency in induction and grooming of political workers, even technocrats. This deficiency is the main reason behind the disconnect between the mainstream political leadership and the masses.

Naeem, who is an engineer by profession, entered politics by actively participating in the local government system, aspires to fill that gap. His political career so far has been focused on service delivery. His key areas of focus: resolution of civic problems for the masses and investing in the youth.

Naeem’s election as central emir may be the beginning of a promising but challenging journey both within his party and in the broader political system.

Matching Naeem’s chemistry with the system assumes immense importance. Although he appears to be successful in playing an active role in city politics, he faces major challenges.

In terms of steering the party, Naeem may be guided by the experience of two prominent Jamaat leaders hailing from Karachi: the late Prof Ghafoor Ahmad, a naib emir, MNA and federal minister and Syed Munawar Hasan, a former emir. As secretary general of the opposition Pakistan National Alliance in 1977, Ghafoor had a prominent role in both the mass movement against ZA Bhutto and in the struggle later for the restoration of democracy in the country during the Zia era. Munawar, on the other hand, is remembered mostly for his passion to restore Pakistan’s sovereign autonomy vis a vis the global imperialism, colonial mindsets and their trespassing on the country. Once powers that be made it clear that his public positions were unacceptable to them, he became the first JI emir to be replaced through ballot.

Naeem’s election is a new phenomenon for the JI in several ways. Some of the JI members of long standing were not ready for so young a leader. Although Naeem’s rise within the JI is being seen mostly as a good omen for one of the oldest religiopolitical parties of the country, the process has not been without friction and some disappointment among the old guard.

It remains to be seen what kind of appointments Naeem makes in his capacity as the new emir. A party insider says the biggest challenge Naeem would face will be from within the party.

The writer is a senior reporter at The News International