ith elections less than four weeks away, some of the major political parties are yet to make a serious pitch to the voters with detailed formal manifestoes. The lethargy could be put down to a realisation within the parties that their limp canvassing activity so far has failed to warm up a politically frigid public. Alternatively, the last minute ‘arrangements’ with the establishment, allocations of party tickets and making and unmaking of political accommodation among key coalitions remain a priority.

The way national politics have gone through convulsions over the last couple of years makes forecasting a hazardous task. Most odds-makers, however, are favouring Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz to return to power. Leading members of the party, which has been thrown out of office three times since 1990, are confident that their programme and plans remain superior to those being touted by their rivals.

The much-awaited manifesto, however, was still not out till the filing of this report. However, background conversations with important party officials gave away enough clues about what to expect from the document that is set to be out in a day or two. “It won’t be very different from our 2018 manifesto,” a prominent Leaguer said in a candid conversation. So, what was the delay for?

Cognizant of the criticism of political parties for dragging their feet in presenting their plans of action to the electorate, Irfan Siddiqui, chairman of PMLN’s Manifesto Committee, said, “One of the reasons for the delay is that we are working hard to present a realistic manifesto. Nawaz Sharif has directed the committee not to promise anything the party might be unable to deliver after coming to power.”

Siddiqui, though, sounded confident that his comrades had burnt enough midnight oil in preparing a document that would promise to deliver what Pakistan direly needed. “Not a single political party has undertaken so thorough an exercise for the preparation of their manifesto. That is the reason the party has so far not presented its plan before the nation.”

If the latest manifesto is going to be an updated version of the 2018 charter, then the PMLN is expected to brag about making Pakistan a nuclear power by resisting and rejecting foreign pressure; bringing peace to Karachi, launching Operation Zarb-i-Azab, laying the foundation of a modern Pakistan through mega infrastructure projects like building of the motorways and taking Pakistan forward in the 21^st Century through China Pakistan Economic Corridor.

It will be talking about dealing with the 3Es - energy, economy and extremism – adding an extra 11,000 MW to the national grid, achieving a 5.8 percent growth rate, bringing down inflation to under 4 percent and exploiting the country’s geographic position to play a pivotal role in regional connectivity. Buzzwords like achieving sustainable economic growth to provide equal opportunities to citizens and improving their standards of living will be followed by statistics showing the PMLN government’s performance during 2013-2018. It will no doubt talk about how some promises could not be kept because the Nawaz government was ousted prematurely in a collusion between Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf and the powers that be.

The new manifesto is likely to list benefits and bounties for industrial revival and agricultural regeneration. Promises of distribution of millions of acres of state lands to the landless tenants, financial facilitation for start-ups in towns and cities, generation of mass employment through housing and construction industry through reformed laws on mortgages and foreclosures will inspire dedicated supporters and might entice millions of new voters. The document is expected to give out details of innovative ways to raise taxes to please international donors and lenders including the Bretton Woods institutions.

The party leadership has been saying that the PTI and its backers shackled the CPEC and that the new government will remove the hurdles so that its benefits help revive the economy. Promises to fast-track the development and consolidation of Gwadar city and port, completion of ML1 rail project and timely completion of all development projects could find a special mention in the 2024 manifesto.

Not many observers of Pakistani politics will deny that PMLN’s programme to lift the economy, build infrastructure, improve relations with neighbouring countries, expedite industrialisation and digitalisation comes across as more appealing than similar plans by other political parties. Problems have arisen in the past when Nawaz Sharif tried to assert civilian authority. Narratives like Vote ko izzat doe and Khidmat ko vote doe were met with scepticism and apprehensions.

It will be interesting to watch what the party leader says in his message. Considering the way Nawaz Sharif was pulled down from prime ministership, disqualified for public office, stripped of party leadership and imprisoned before being allowed to travel to London and permitted to return and cleared of all charges, all eyes will be on him. Will he again refuse “dictation?” Will he utter sentences like “our democratic journey was… cut short by a return to praetorian rule”?

The 2018 manifesto had started with Nawaz Sharif saying, “my mind goes back 25 years ago to April 1993, when I took a principled position to restore the 1973 Constitution so that the supremacy of parliament and sanctity of ballot are upheld. I was advised by some that upholding this principle could cost me my position (as prime minister). But I had made a conscious choice. Political power must flow from the principles of the constitution, democracy and rule of law, and not political expediency.”

Many observers say that the mood in the establishment circle remains the same. There is a feeling that all stakeholders must work together to pull the country out of the chaos it is in. So will Nawaz Sharif reiterate his stance and say that, “On April 17, 1993, I addressed the nation and took the people of Pakistan into confidence on all the machinations, intrigues and conspiracies of a small coterie, a secretive cabal and a conspiratorial clique in the inner sanctums of power who, violating their oath of office, were acting as puppeteers. These public servants felt that they alone could decide the people’s destiny rather than the elected public representatives.”

He has been calling for accountability of those who masterminded his ouster from power in 2017. Will he push for the same one returned to power? Will he join hands with political parties that have had a history of strained relations with the establishment to reverse the constitutional tweaks made at the alleged behest of the establishment?

The writer is the resident editor of The News at Islamabad/ Rawalpindi.