ost political parties in Pakistan have a poor record of delivering on campaign promises once they have been elected to power. This tends to suggest that an election manifesto is not always the product of a well-organised system of multiple-level consultations leading to serious resolution and can sometimes be regarded as a mere formality.

In theory, a manifesto ought to list the most important issues according to a party — short-, medium-, and long-term — and suggest potential solutions. Where appropriate, it should also identify specific actions the party proposes to take in pursuit of the state goals and objectives.

In the current environment, it can be argued that major human rights issues and economy should take precedence over counterterrorism efforts. Equally, some parties might argue otherwise and should outline their positions and the reasoning behind those. Some parties might prefer particular emphasis on energy sector reforms, increased exports and investment, and the privatisation of state-owned businesses. The mid- to long-term priorities for most parties might include advancing human development, enacting justice system reforms, supporting efficient local governments, facilitating political discourse for harmony and improving relations with the neighbouring countries.

The relationship between support for human rights and populist movements can alternate between convergence and conflict. There are some areas of easy agreement, such as the frequent use of street mobilisation to advance political agenda and the common emphasis on remembering the victims of severe human rights violations. Populism typically rejects threats to traditional civil and political rights and asserts itself as an important defender of social, economic, and cultural rights. The current populist discourse on human rights is focused increasingly on economic issues. This could suggest an emphasis on economic and social rights, including adequate food, adequate housing, access to quality education, affordable healthcare, social security, water and sanitation, and decent work.

However, populism’s track record in the area of human rights is not promising. Populist governments frequently impose restrictions on the exercise of civil and political rights, raising the potential cost of being a dissident or part of the opposition. They also erode state oversight mechanisms, such as the judiciary and regulatory bodies as well as international controls, thereby eroding the protection of human rights. Populist governments are not very successful in promoting social and economic rights.

A recent review of three major parties’ manifestos by the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics is instructive. It emphasised that, with only 20 percent of the country’s problems addressed in their manifestos, these parties were not being candid with their voters.

Among the major parties, the PPP was the first to share a formal manifesto with the public. PPP chairman, Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari, unveiled the 10-point manifesto and has been elaborating on it in campaign speeches and on other forums. Key points in this announcement include doubling salaries in five years; providing free electricity for up to 300 units per household; ensuring universal access to education; establishing a nationwide free healthcare system; constructing 3 million houses in five years; enhancing the Benazir Income Support Program for poverty alleviation; introducing a facilitation card for farmers, and one for industrial labourers; providing financial assistance to the youth through a Youth Card; and initiating a Bhook Mitao programme to address food insecurity.

The PML-N, on the other hand, has invited the public along with professionals, experts, and the diaspora to propose what it should put on its manifesto. The proposals can be sent to its online portal. The suggestions can be entered under 32 themes including national heritage; culture and films; infrastructure development; transportation; the supremacy of the constitution; initiatives for special persons; labour, manpower and peasants; as well as the economy; energy; education; health; sports; foreign affairs; agriculture; women empowerment; information technology; human rights and minorities; and youth affairs. Suggestions have also been invited on trade, industry, natural resources; climate change and sustainable development; poverty alleviation; inflation control and employment; legal reforms and access to justice; the CPEC; accountability and the eradication of corruption; local governments; religious affairs and interfaith harmony; media; and freedom of speech.

The initiative suggests a degree of transparency in the finalisation of its manifesto and could result in important human rights considerations. However, there is hardly enough time to thrash out competing proposals at the grassroots level.

The PTI, which polled the most votes in the 2018 elections, has yet to announce its 2024 manifesto. It is hoped that civil and political rights will be at the forefront of its agenda for the next five years.

Rights narratives are often a reflection of populist agendas. This is perhaps already the biggest challenge to defence of human rights. Around the globe aggressive nationalism, xenophobia, and misogyny of many populist figures have resulted in democratic failures. It is necessary to reassess tactics and increase outreach while restating the fundamental ideas that underpin the human rights movement. The need to embrace and assert economic and social rights as human rights rather than as welfare or development goals is among the challenges.

The writer is an advocate of High Court, a founding partner at Lex Mercatoria, and a visiting teacher at Bahria University’s Law Department