n a recent development, an emerging political alliance has demanded restriction and curtailment of the role of elected local governments in Sindh. They argue that by funding the local governments in the proposed way, the former ruling party in Sindh will continue to control most of the resources as it currently controls a majority of local councils.

In a related move, local council leaders in some areas have demanded greater financial powers and unfreezing of development schemes. To some, the demands by local councils may appear harmless and justified. However, deeper analysis reveals that new schemes mean much more than intended development in these constituencies.

Many overt and covert stakeholders broadly depend upon the largesse that emanates from small to medium-scale contracts that originate from development (and maintenance) works.

Take the case of minor road repairs in Karachi. A dumper carrying the asphalt and other materials arrives. The material is spread upon the affected portion of the broken road. A road roller levels it for an hour or less and disappears. The material is hardly set when the repair work is declared complete. The top surface of the road is in a shambles after the first drizzle or damage to local sewerage lines.

All these steps are taken with the tacit approval of political and administrative bosses. There is no remorse when residents of the area complain about the poor quality of work.

What can local governments in Sindh do about it? A lot, if they are interested in servinge the people who have voted them into this important public office. The first step for the elected councillors, union committee chairs, town council members and other elected representatives is to educate themselves about their status, roles and responsibilities.

Often when citizens approach a local council member with a complaint or a request for service delivery, the concerned member is not aware of whether they can entertain the request or not. The Sindh Local Government Act, under which the UCs and councils function, lays down these details. The councillors need a solid grounding in the legal and administrative regime applicable in their jurisdiction related to services to citizens, complaints redressal, functions and jurisdictions of other local authorities.

Political parties to which these folks belong, will do well to launch a rigorous preparatory regime for the newly elected councillors. Only a few political parties, Jamaat-i-Islami among them, have taken this matter seriously. Winning an election and sitting in the council hall should not be the end for a municipal councillor.

Engagement with local communities, especially the constituents who elect the councillors and other office bearers is also an important task. It is common knowledge that people are facing many challenges in conducting daily life affairs. Crippling inflation, rising cost of fuel, rising unemployment, increasing street crime, violence against women, expensive healthcare and educational opportunities are some of the obvious challenges.

Local councillors may not have direct solutions to these matters. However, they can consider becoming agents of change; for instance, by negotiating with wholesalers and producers to organise bachat bazaars close to their constituents. This may help reduce the burden of housewives who otherwise travel long distance for groceries.

Free medical camps can be arranged in collaboration with the non-government organisations to extend health screening and services to the low-income communities. The councillors can also liaise with the government departments and transporters to adjust public bus and mini-bus routes in order to benefit the underprivileged areas.

Councillors from katchi abadis that may have been surveyed but await regularisation can lobby with the concerned authorities for accelerating the process. A door-to-door campaign may also be useful to connect with voters, identify their chronic problems and then lobby to solve those that fall in the municipal ambit.

Experience has shown that apolitical regimes, such as the caretaker governments are receptive to such ideas which may have contentious political fallout.

The councillors must act now as they are the only elected tier of government until new elected provincial and federal governments are in place.

Substantial powers have now been accorded to the office of the mayor. For instance, the board of Karachi Water and Sewerage Corporation (KWSC) is now headed by the elected mayor. Among other tasks, the KWSC may do well to institute a water and sewerage information system to take account of all the water sourced and distributed in the city.

Similar action can be taken for the sewerage system where the utility can map the generation and disposal of waste water with or without treatment. A low-cost recycling regime may be introduced to turn this waste water into an economic and social good.

With appropriate technology, cheap electricity can be produced from the sludge generated from waste water treatment. It is an approach avidly followed in the United Kingdom.

The Karachi Development Authority is about to initiate the preparation of Greater Karachi Region Plan 2047. This can be a routine exercise of hiring consultants who generate dull reports. But one can also make this exercise truly beneficial for the citizens. The municipal councillors and town office-bearers can conduct a local needs assessment in their constituencies with the help of academia and civil society. They can also engage with the KDA and consultants to demand that they incorporate solutions to local issues in their plans. This process can lead to substantial reforms. This is the only way to break the status quo for the better.

The writer is an academic and researcher based in Karachi