ver the past couple of months, the Azad Jammu and Kashmir has witnessed massive public uproar. There have been street protests against electricity bills, unscheduled power cuts and a wheat flour shortage. Recently, the police arrested more than 80 trade union leaders, civil society activists and representatives of the Awami Action Committee — an alliance of trade unions supported by the Bar Associations and civil society activists across the region.

The police also vandalised sit-in camps across the region in an attempt to put down the agitation. According to reports in the vernacular press, leading activists of the protest movement were harassed and mistreated. In some places the maltreatment extended to their families.

Faced with the government’s heavy-handed approach, the Awami Action Committee scheduled a series of strikes, demonstrations and sit-ins to compel the government to meet their demands.

The protests are being organised by the youth from various political organisations, who heavily rely on social media platforms to disseminate information about their demands, and protest schedules. The print and electronic media have barely mentioned the protest movement.

On August 31 and September 5, there was an unprecedented strike across the AJK. The participants refused to pay electricity bills. Many individuals took their bills to the sit-in camps and set them on fire. In Muzaffarabad, many threw their electricity bills into the Jhelum River.

The AJK government has conceded some of the protesters’ demands, such as the restoration of flour subsidy. Late payment fines for electricity bill have also been waived.

At the heart of the issue lies the demand for the provision of affordable electricity. The protesters have pointed out that the AJK houses several hydel power stations including Mangla Dam and Neelum-Jhelum that generate 2,600 MW of electricity while electricity consumption in the region is around 350 MW.

The electricity generated at these power stations is routed through the national grid. Since 2003, the AJK government has been charged Rs2.59 per unit for this. However, the consumers are provided the electricity at Rs 20-60.

The Awami Action Committee is demanding prioritised allocation, insisting that electricity should be provided in the AJK first and that only the surplus should supplied to the national grid. In support of their demand, some of the activists have cited Article 161, Clause 2 of the Constitution of Pakistan which says, “The net profits earned by the federal government, or any undertaking established or administered by the federal government from the bulk generation of power at a hydro-electric station shall be paid to the province in which the hydro-electric station is situated.” They argue that this constitutional provision recognises their preferential right to the use of natural resources.

One of the key demands of the protestors is a drastic reduction in the government’s administrative budget. Instead, they want a substantial allocation for welfare.

The AAC has called upon the WAPDA to supply electric power in the AJK at power station cost. Further, it is demanding that AJK be declared a load-shedding-free zone.

Residents of Muzaffarabad and Mirpur have some additional grievances against the WAPDA and the AJK government. They complain that the impact of the construction of Neelum–Jhelum hydropower plant, a run-of-the-river hydroelectric power project diverting water from the Neelum River to a power station on the Jhelum River, has not been adequately assessed and addressed. They claim that a significant rural population has had to relocate as result of the freshwater shortage and that annual mean temperature in Muzaffarabad has risen.

Despite promises made by the government, the Rathoa Haryam Bridge, a nearly five kilometres long structure across the Mangla reservoir channel, connecting Mirpur with Islamgarh, has yet to be completed. Mirpur City, the residents complain, faces shortages of both drinking and irrigation water.

Currently, the protest movement is not led by mainstream politicians or political parties. Most of the MLAs have distanced themselves from the demands and the agitation. In this vacuum, some middle class youths have emerged as the movers and shakers. They are supported by nearly 3,000 local government councillors, who have been providing them logistical and moral support.

In the Legislative Assembly, only a handful of PTI members represent the opposition. The rest, including Peoples Party, the Pakistan Muslim League and the PTI turncoats, support the government led by Prime Minister Anwar-ul Haq.

The movement is questioning the effectiveness of the current government and the utility of a large bureaucracy. One of the key demands of the protestors is a drastic reduction in the government’s administrative budget. Instead, they want a substantial allocation for welfare. Currently, nearly 85 percent of the government’s budget is dedicated to recurring expenses leaving only a meagre amount for development. There is general dissatisfaction with the government’s ability to address the pressing issues facing the region.

So far, the state-wide agitation has been mostly non-violent. However, if the government persists with its heavy-handed approach and there are widespread arrests, violence cannot be ruled out. Some reports indicate that the AJK government has requested additional forces from the federal government to suppress potentially violent protests.

It would be prudent instead to initiate a serious dialogue on improving governance, reducing the number of government employees, and cutting spending on non-developmental projects.

Additionally, there is a need to focus on creating jobs to address the disenchantment, which could otherwise lead to extreme reaction from a population facing backbreaking prices amid widespread unemployment. A proactive approach to addressing these issues through dialogue could help prevent the situation from escalating further.

The writer is a freelance contributor. He can be reached at ershad.mahmud@gmail.com and tweets @ErshadMahmud