ne cannot be sure if Muhammad Nawaz Sharif ever heard Billy Ocean’s When the going gets tough, the tough get going. The song was recorded in the United Kingdom in 1985, a few months after Sharif became the chief minister of the Punjab. But that’s how he seemed to have fashioned his post-business journey, many would argue. The story of his political life and of the party that he bespoke ever since he was first thrown out of power in 1992 by his erstwhile benefactors has been a mix bag – at times a saga of bliss and success, at others, a tale of failure and horror. One thing, however, is certain: ever since he became a minister In the Punjab, he has not left the fast lane of Pakistani politics despite incarceration and forced and self-imposed exile and what his supporters describe as three coups.

Today, the party, a political potpourri, is finding it hard to fight the potency and popularity of the challenger purpose-crafted to oust Sharifs from politics. After wandering around in the political wilderness for over a decade-and-a-half, Imran Khan caught up with the Sharifs and Zardari over the last decade. In fact, he beat them at their game albeit with help from some “hidden” hands. After Nawaz was disqualified for public office, imprisoned and barred for life from returning to the electoral arena, the party looked choked.

The force and flair with which Imran Khan was supported by the establishment made his political opponents of all hues wobble at their knees. Many of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz leaders were hauled in the name of accountability and jailed with scant recourse to justice. In fact, none of the cases against the incarcerated politicians progressed beyond the investigation stage. When Nawaz was allowed to fly out of the country for medical treatment, the party behaved like an orphan waiting for adoption.

If it were not for Imran Khan’s suicidal solecism vis-à-vis Gen Bajwa relating to Lt Gen Faiz Hamid, the PML-N and Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) would still be wondering which sorcerer’s help to seek in order to ward off Imran’s wrath. They jumped at the opportunity, brought in a no-confidence motion against Imran’s PTI government and toppled it. A historic first.

This was where the real test for the PML-N started. With Nawaz Sharif still nestled in London, the top echelons of the party started fraying – partly under pressure from political allies but also due to personality clashes among the frontline within the party. The most glaring example of this was the squabble between Ishaq Dar and Miftah Ismail. The way party changed its finance minister when the younger Sharif’s administration was locked in perilous discussions with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to win a financial bailout package that has remained a mirage since 2019, showed how fractured the party could be when tested hard. The Dar-Ismail tiff also impacted other frontline leaders who have been expressing their frustrations in TV talk shows for all and sundry to watch. Important cabinet members have regularly shared their concerns in private about the public anger aimed particularly at PML-N since their ministerial portfolios were burdened to deliver on difficult tasks like management of economy, power, petroleum and law and order. They fear that the public anger would harm their electoral prospects more than that of their allies.

There is a strong feeling among party stalwarts that while Imran Khan may have fallen out with the establishment, there is no love lost for the PML-N. Concerted efforts are still on to play up ‘differences’ between the Sharif brothers. Remarks attributed to Gen Bajwa in a recent conversation with a journalist, showing absolute dislike for Shahbaz Sharif’s elder son and praise for the younger one, are also seen in that light. Describing one of the PM’s sons as a nincompoop and the other as a prospect was viewed by some observers as an attempt to demean and divide the family.

The last few days, however, seem to have infused a new life among the PML-N first- and second-tier leaders. The way Imran Khan and his supporters have been treated by some courts has enlivened the downcast cadres. Fading prospects of elections for the provincial assemblies in the Punjab and KP are described as a political success achieved through tactical dexterity. Some PML-N leaders see this as a sign that the ‘state’ is finally waking up to take the bull by the horns. The legislation introduced and successfully carried through the parliament curtailing the discretionary powers of the chief justice is also seen by some party leaders and loyalists as the beginning of required political activity ahead of the forthcoming elections.

Drawing room conversations are throwing up innovative ideas to reclaim lost political space. Most PML-N leaders agree that while their leader picked up a fight with the establishment, Imran has taken it to new heights. They believe that the political space so gained should be treaded carefully lest it should again be lost to non-political forces. They admit that their party has a very weak footprint in Sindh, Balochistan and the KP. What if some of their allies claim bigger chunks of the Punjab pie? What if a reactivated Jehangir Tareen musters enough numbers in the south Punjab to make a dash for chief ministership by aligning with the PPP? What if the PTI performs really well, even without the establishment support?

It is to deal with such concerns that they want Nawaz Sharif to return, sooner than later. A guessing game about their leader’s possible return after spending the last ten days of Ramazan in Madina is on. Could Nawaz Sharif return with the assurance of much-needed dollars from Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates and Qatar? What if he ends up in jail while seeking review of his conviction? The bottom line remains that while Maryam is keeping the temperatures high through public rallies and media engagement, the party desperately needs Nawaz back home.

The writer works for the Jang/ Geo Group. He tweets @aamirghauri