Theatres of abuse

Pakistan is not new to contentious politics. However, the last decade has seen the rise of a politics of abuse and violence, with no one and no institution immune from assault.

Three separate theatres of this type of politics can be discerned, each with different degrees of abuse and violence. All of them, however, threaten to unravel the fabric of society and the state and, as such, merit an examination of causative factors.

Political opponents have always engaged in partisan battles – in parliament, in courts and on the streets – which reflects the divergent and conflicting interests of their respective constituencies. And that is what politics is all about. Yet, there has prevailed a certain degree of civility in the political discourse; howsoever charged. While mutual denunciations abounded, there were few attacks on the personal integrity of their opponents.

All parties have to date accepted the writ of state institutions: constitution, law, parliament, judiciary, electoral bodies, and the military. All parties, despite remonstrations, have valued and acknowledged the independent role of the media. Essentially, all political actors have recognized the legitimacy of the state and its formal and non-formal institutions. That recognition is now compromised.

The star of ‘theatre one’ is Imran Khan, whose politics has always revolved around the subject of corruption. Come 2014, he upped the ante by introducing vitriol into his attacks, openly displaying a lack of respect for the established political leadership. Post-2018, Imran Khan shed any vestige of decorum in his language – and body language – resorting to street-level name-calling. His cue was taken up by his lieutenants, who engaged in no-holds-barred volleys of abuse at every forum available; including on televised panel discussions, where physical violence on fellow panelists was also witnessed. April 16 this year saw PTI MPAs in the Punjab Assembly openly resorting to violence on their fellow members.

Imran Khan’s lack of respect is not limited to the political class, but extends to all state institutions: His lack of regard for parliament was indicated by his scant attendance; except when it necessitated his purpose. The PTI’s disdain for state institutions was reflected during the no-confidence motion proceedings when one PTI MNA expressed his desire to suicide-bomb the National Assembly.

The above is a strong indictment of Imran Khan and his style and substance of politics. There arises, however, a fundamental question: why has the Imran Khanesque politics of abuse found popular support? A possible explanation could be as follows: Imran Khan’s lack of respect for the entire spectrum of the country’s institutions, including the political class, could be voicing the frustrations, disenchantment and anger of a large section of the population at the long-term failure of the state to perform.

It is pertinent that the PTI support base consists largely of the urban educated youth that came of age during and after the Zia martial law years. The 1980s was a watershed period in Pakistan’s history, when the ‘development state’ that had been built up since independence gave way to the ‘security state’ and which continues to hold sway.

This post-1980s generation possesses a degree of education and skills, are relatively well off, and are exposed to the world at large. Many among them have studied or travelled abroad and are aware of the social and economic progress other societies, including in our neighbourhood, have made in education, science and technology and the orderly and modern urban spaces that they have created. They have aspirations, but feel frustrated by the stagnation around them. They feel that the state has failed them; thus, the lack of respect for any of its institutions and established values.

The above is a portrayal of one of the three theatres of the politics of abuse and violence. The second is the one played out by the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), led by the now-deceased Khadim Husain Rizvi. Unlike the PTI’s upper middle class support base, the TLP’s support base is lower middle class and also draws large crowds, committed to stand their ground militantly in street encounters. Its leadership style is not dissimilar to Imran Khan’s, with public language loaded with unprintable abuses aimed directly by name at constitutional office-bearers. And they have not been averse to killing state personnel. The third theatre is most dangerous, being played out in the western provinces in terms of armed insurgency and continuous bloodletting.

The factors underlying the PTI and TLP phenomena and the armed militancy merits serious understanding. As stated at the outset, the pervasiveness of lack of respect for national institutions and established values, bordering on challenging their very legitimacy, and the violent militancy, threatens to unravel the fabric of society and the state. It is imperative that the concerns of the disenchanted sections of the population across the country are seriously addressed.

The writer was a member of the 7th NFC and is now a member of the 10th NFC. He tweets @kaiserbengali