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Sunday December 22, 2024

Propaganda opportunities in Ladakh

By Zahoor Khan Marwat
September 02, 2020

In 2017, India and China were locked in a 72-day standoff in the disputed Doklam region claimed by both Bhutan and China. According to former Indian National Security Adviser Shivshankar Menon, with the Modi government’s stop-start intervention in Doklam, China “learned the lesson that as long as the Indian government could walk away with a propaganda victory, they could actually make gains and change the outcomes on the ground.”

While India has lost to China in Ladakh and conceded territory, it has not shied away from military triumphalism. It has failed to counter the Chinese movements and totally fumbled in its early response.

Ex-Indian General HS Panag, a former commander of both Northern and Central commands, says in an interview about the Ladakh incident: “As far as the current incident is concerned, we underplayed and misread the situation presuming the Chinese will go away after some time. The exact reasons behind the current casualties will come after an inquiry by the army in due course.”

Earlier, Chinese diplomats had accused Indian frontline troops of either violating the chain of command or being misused by their seniors following the clash between Indian and Chinese soldiers in the Galwan Valley on June 15. At least, 20 of the Indian regiment’s soldiers, including a commanding officer, lost their lives. Global Times, the Communist Party of China newspaper, quoting Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi had stressed an earnest need to probe the incident and demanded strict punishment of those who should be held accountable. China also demanded that India strictly discipline its frontline soldiers.

Panag, the retired lieutenant-general of the Indian Army, on June 18 wrote, “The military hierarchy itself failed in its professional responsibility to advise the government to use force as per professional norms. The blood of these soldiers is on the hands of the government and the military hierarchy.”

Two months after the Galwan clash, around India’s Independence Day, the Chinese ambassador to India, Sun Weidong, in the magazine China-India Review published by the Chinese Embassy in New Delhi, again asked the Indian authorities, “We urge the Indian side to conduct a thorough investigation, hold the violators accountable, strictly discipline the frontline troops and immediately stop all provocative acts to ensure such incidents will not occur again.”

On his Independence Day eve address to the nation, Indian President Ram Nath Kovind said, “The entire nation salutes the martyrs of Galwan Valley…. Their bravery in combat has demonstrated that while we believe in peace, we are also capable of giving a befitting response to any attempt of aggression.” On the other hand, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, addressing the nation for the first time after the Galwan clash on June 22, highly praised the deceased soldiers, saying, “The nation will be proud to note that they died while killing the enemies.”

Strangely, it was noted that on India’s Independence Day, the deceased soldiers were not decorated as expected. Observers say the Indian government has concluded that the deceased soldiers who provoked the deadly clash with the Chinese were operating on their own or with approval of the senior authority. This proves that the Chinese claim that the Indian soldiers were operating on their own is a dangerous omen and shows extreme lack of professionalism. The command control system was violated.

In this context, about the reforms in the Indian Army, the Indian general talks about an embarrassing reminder: “I don’t think any major reform has taken place in the army recently and fundamentally we are still the same and not suited for modern warfare. Last military reforms were planned in the late 70s, which were largely executed in the 80s. The army today is still based on those reforms. War in the future would be based on high technology and be of short duration. A strategic review is needed and should be done by the government, not army, as the national security strategy and defence planning is government’s responsibility. This requires money, which comes from the government but our defence budget was perhaps the lowest in the last 58 years.”

But the Modi Sarkar is all about feisty belligerence, photo opportunities, vengeful nature, wild accusations and propaganda opportunities. As details of failure in Ladakh surface, it can only acclaim its alleged triumph.