Time for a new leadership?

Regardless of the merits of the cases against the leaders of the opposition or whether there is ‘selective accountability’ going on in the country, almost the entire leadership of the opposition is in the dock, resulting in a huge void within the political opposition.

A ‘compromised’ political leadership cannot be expected to stand firm against those bent upon squeezing civilian space, alienating federating units and suppressing the peoples’ rights and freedoms. Isn’t it the time the democratic forces threw up a new leadership that can stand the test of times?

On December 24, the PML-N leader and thrice-elected prime minister of Pakistan, Nawaz Sharif, was again sent to jail in one of the two NAB references. Moreover, yet another Joint Investigation Team (JIT) in its presentation to the Supreme Court has accused former president of Pakistan and Co-chairperson of the PPP Asif Ali Zardari of being the alleged ‘kingpin’ behind a recently-publicised scam of fake accounts.

Some more stalwarts from the PPP and the PML-N, including three former prime ministers and the current and former leaders of the opposition, are already facing the music or are expected to be nabbed in the coming days on corruption charges.

After the assassination of twice-elected prime minister Benazir Bhutto and now the political ouster of Nawaz Sharif, the entire political leadership that had ruled this country during a decade-long ‘democratic transition’ is now facing charges of corruption; it is inconsequential for now how trumped up or not the charges may be.

Corruption is the hallmark of the bureaucratic crony capitalism in Pakistan that works to facilitate rent-seeking, privileges, grafts, kickbacks, resource-grabbing and largesse. A neo-colonial apparatus and parasitic model ensure entitlements for the powerful civil and military elites from the dominant social groups, which leave little or nothing for the toiling masses and the marginalised peripheries.

As the financial and fiscal crises grow and resources remain almost stagnant to meet the increasing demands of a warrior state and an unproductive huge superstructure, tensions also grow among the ruling elites, state structures and between the centre and the provinces over distribution of resources. While big land-owners and businesses refuse to pay due taxes on their real incomes, a client state increasingly relies upon the external patronage to perpetuate its survival in the absence of a dynamic and sustainable productive base. This, in turn, exacerbates the power struggle among the civil-military elites.

In the absence of serious, all-sided systemic reforms to strengthen checks and balances, and transparency and accountability, the issue of corruption and ‘misconduct’ of elected representatives has often been used for political purposes. Starting from the misuse of the Public Representative Office Disqualification Act (PRODA) issued in 1949 and Elective Bodies Disqualification Order (EBDO) promulgated by F M Ayub Khan, various regulations in the name of ‘misconduct’ or by using General Zia’s changes in Articles 62-63 of the constitution have been selectively used over the years.

There was no charge of corruption against Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, yet he was deposed and then murdered though a fake judicial process. Rivalry among political forces has over the decades been exploited by those who never accepted the sovereignty of parliament. Warring politicians became a ready instrument in dislodging opponents from power. Unfortunately, our history shows us how all institutions perpetuated undemocratic rule in this country.

Let us not forget how, violating the spirit of the Charter of Democracy, the PML-N chief had gone against the PPP government in the Supreme Court. And, more recently, how Asif Ali Zardari manoeuvred a parliamentary coup against the PML-N-National Party coalition government in Balochistan. In the last decade, judicial activism led to an atmosphere that was not conducive to political authority, and the media trial of politicians served the objectives of Bonapartism.

Still, the 18th Amendment-bolstered republic foiled the street putsch led by Imran Khan and Tahirul-Qadri. Parliament remained besieged for months and the prime minister’s de-jure authority became vulnerable to de-facto dictates. A vicious campaign against the elected representatives got impetus from the Panama leaks disclosures. Benefiting from the scandal, Imran Khan built his electoral campaign around the alleged corruption of his major adversaries and the accountability of the leadership of the PML-N and the PPP. This vicious campaign was galvanised by a vociferous section of the media, and provided a moral cover to the PTI forming governments at the centre and in Punjab. The capitulationist line of former chief minister Shehbaz Sharif also allowed Punjab to slip away from the PML-N.

Both the PML-N and the PPP are facing a crisis of survival, with greater ramifications in the two major provinces of Punjab and Sindh – as the federal government is trying to run three provinces from Islamabad like a unitary arrangement. With probable possible exit of Chief Minister of Sindh Murad Ali Shah, the federal government might be tempted to try and influence Sindh in order to have a consensus on the reduction of provincial share in the divisible pool by revisiting the previous NFC Award.

In the mid-term, the mainstream opposition will continue to remain under the onslaught of accountability which will lead to more political tension and legislative paralysis. The PML-N should know that even if Nawaz Sharif is absolved in the two references that he has been convicted in, he will remain disqualified under the Supreme Court judgement. With his arrest in the Ashiana scheme case and other NAB investigations looming, Leader of Opposition Shehbaz Sharif will not be able to effectively lead the opposition in and outside parliament.

His son Hamza, leader of opposition in Punjab, may also face some cases. This leaves the PML-N with two choices: either break with the family hold over the party and bring in another leader or wait for Maryam Nawaz to take over the party.

On the other hand, the PPP is reaching the last limit of its pragmatic politics of ‘reconciliation’ under the stopgap arrangement of an intelligent Zardari who kept the democratic transition on rail. Zardari, who survived all kinds of allegations and cases in the past, is likely to face far more lethal investigations – maybe on a pattern similar to Nawaz Sharif’s case. To the PPP’s misfortune, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari might have to explain his role as director in the Zardari Group. It would be better for him to disassociate from a business he had had no role.

The PPP is also at the stage where it either brings forward a new dynamic leader or lets Bilawal do his due by clearing him from the Zardari Group of Companies.

The PPP’s Sindh chapter will also have to prepare for a smooth change in its provincial government to ensure good governance, and also to thwart any attempts to impose Governor’s Rule in the province.

A ‘compromised’ opposition leadership is not in a position to defend the democratic premises that are slipping from under the feet of its spent leaders. It’s time a new dynamic and principled leadership came forward to provide an alternative – before it is too late.

The writer is a senior journalist. Email: imtiaz.safma@gmail.com

Twitter: @ImtiazAlamSAFMA

Email: imtiaz.safma@gmail.com

Twitter: @ImtiazAlamSAFMA