Discontent in AJK

Last week, Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) witnessed an unprecedented wave of protests led by local traders and activists. This movement forced the authorities to retreat from a proposed legislation aimed at imposing severe restrictions on freedom of expression and assembly.

The recent public uprising is not an isolated event. Since 2022, AJK has been in turmoil, with local traders and political activists demanding flour subsidies similar to those provided in Gilgit-Baltistan. However, their pleas have largely gone unheeded. Frustrated by the inaction, activists organised sit-in protests in Rawalakot, persisting until June 2023. The situation took a turn for the worse when the government introduced a steep increase in electricity tariffs, sparking outrage. The tariff hike galvanised a statewide campaign to boycott electricity bills.

The Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) – a coalition of trade unions, bar associations, and civil society activists from across the region – has united the people in demanding electricity at production cost. The demand stems from the fact that AJK is home to major hydropower projects like Mangla Dam and Neelum-Jhelum, collectively generating 2,600MW of electricity, while the region's consumption stands at only 350MW. The issue of inflated electricity bills triggered unprecedented strikes across AJK on August 31, September 5, 2023, and February 11, 2024. In response, the government formed a committee to negotiate with the JAAC, conceding some demands, but failing to address the key demand for affordable electricity.

Meanwhile, AJK Prime Minister Chaudhary Anwar ul Haq employed coercive measures to suppress the agitation, further fueling public anger. Most elected representatives and political party leaders distanced themselves from the protests, leaving a vacuum that middle-class youths filled as key drivers of the movement. Unexpectedly, workers and supporters of various political parties revolted against their leadership, joining the JAAC and transforming it into a formidable force.

On May 11, 2024, a four-day agitation swept across AJK, culminating in a march to Muzaffarabad, led by the JAAC. Supported by all segments of society, including political party workers, this marked a historic moment as the people united in massive numbers over a public interest issue. Their solidarity forced the government to concede.

In response, the federal government announced a Rs23 billion grant to Azad Kashmir, enabling subsidised utility rates and wheat prices. Declaring a 'historic win', the JAAC called off the protests, as the government met all their demands.

The peaceful agitation highlighted that a united people’s will can surpass state power. However, this public victory unsettled the ruling elite, prompting a two-pronged propaganda strategy to undermine the JAAC and its emerging leaders.

First, some politicians baselessly claimed that the protests were funded and fueled by Indian agencies to destabilize the region. Second, they branded it an anti-Pakistan movement led by nationalist political parties. Both accusations were groundless and failed to gain traction in AJK. It was widely recognised that the JAAC-led rights movement was entirely indigenous, arising from longstanding grievances, governance failures, a flawed election process, and remote-controlled politics.

Significantly, for the first time in AJK’s history, nationalist organisations supported a grassroots public rights movement, marking a notable change in their priorities.

The immense impact of the agitation movement deeply unsettled both the authorities and political parties in Azad Kashmir. In an effort to mitigate their political losses, several orchestrated political rallies were held across the region, ostensibly to demonstrate solidarity with Pakistan. However, Prime Minister Anwar ul Haq later admitted in the AJK Legislative Assembly that public interest in these rallies was minimal. When attempts to mobilise public support failed, the authorities introduced new legislation via a presidential order to restrict freedom of expression and assembly.

Local political activists criticised the draconian law and called for its repeal, but the authorities remained steadfast. This sparked widespread discontent, leading to a complete strike and peaceful demonstrations across the region, which ultimately forced the authorities to relent and meet the public's demands.

Although normalcy has since been restored in AJK after the authorities conceded to public demands, a profound sense of disconnect persists. This discontent is rooted in the dominance of elites over resources, political spaces, and social influence. Key factors such as rampant corruption, poor governance, flawed election processes, and inadequate service delivery remain the primary triggers behind the recent protests. These systemic issues have repeatedly forced the people of AJK to take to the streets and demand accountability from the authorities.

The micro-management of politics by the federal government has discredited the political setup in AJK. Whichever party forms the government in Islamabad swiftly co-opts potential winning candidates in AJK into its fold. Since Gen Pervez Musharraf's era, the federal government has taken full control of AJK's affairs. Only those leaders who align closely with Islamabad and follow its directives manage to thrive politically in the region.

In 2022, nearly the entire parliamentary party of PTI-AJK revolted against its leadership, forming an alliance with the PML-N and the PPP to establish a government. Previously, similar alignments brought figures like Sardar Attique Khan and Barrister Sultan Mahmood to power. The 12 refugee seats located in Pakistan’s provinces are routinely allocated to favour the ruling party in Islamabad, further undermining the credibility of AJK’s political process.

This micro-management has severely discredited the election process, eroding the representative legitimacy of assembly members. These representatives derive their power from Islamabad, prioritising federal interests over their party or constituents' welfare. Consequently, elections in AJK have devolved into a mere formality, disconnected from genuine democratic practices.

Assembly members have become local power brokers, controlling access to jobs, police protection, and other resources. Surprisingly, most assembly members and top politicians have permanently relocated to Islamabad or Rawalpindi, visiting AJK infrequently while retaining full access to its resources.

They are unwilling to share financial resources with elected local councillors, numbering around 3,000. This disconnect has alienated the ruling class from the grassroots, rendering them ineffective in addressing public aspirations or advocating for their rights.

The writer is a freelance contributor. He tweets @ErshadMahmud and can be reached at: ershad.mahmud@gmail.com