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Wednesday September 11, 2024

Revisiting Jinnah’s vision of Pakistan

By Dawood Mirza
August 14, 2024
A man carrying national flags walks through a street on the eve of the Independence Day celebrations in Peshawar on August 13, 2023. — AFP
A man carrying national flags walks through a street on the eve of the Independence Day celebrations in Peshawar on August 13, 2023. — AFP

The question “Why was our country named Pakistan?” elicited a range of responses from twenty people aged 18 to 40, with most saying that Pakistan means “the land of the pure.” This perception highlights the enduring narrative surrounding Pakistan’s name since its independence. The name Pakistan was proposed by Choudhury Rehmat Ali, a Cambridge student who spent his life advocating for the concept. He explained that “Pakistan is both a Persian and an Urdu word, composed of letters taken from all our homelands-Indian and Asian,” referring to Punjab, Afghania (North-West Frontier Province), Kashmir, Iran, Sind (including Kutch and Kathiawar), Tukharistan, Afghanistan, and Baluchistan. As an acronym, the name was based on geographic lines, resonating with the idea of the land of the pure.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s vision was to create an independent state for Muslims residing in areas where they were the majority, united by Islam, rather than a state focused on achieving purity for its residents. The distinction between Pakistan as a political state unified by Islam and as an Islamic state where individuals strive for purity has remained ambiguous, leaving Jinnah’s vision open to interpretation.

The idea for Pakistan emerged amidst the deteriorating conditions of Muslims in India. Following the British arrival and the fall of the Mughals, Muslims, who had once shared in the power of ruling India, lost their authority, wealth, and pride. Distrusted by the British and sidelined by the Hindus, their situation worsened after the failed mutiny of 1857.

Initially, Jinnah sought a united India free from British rule. However, he later realised the unity of Hindus and Muslims was unattainable. “If all Indians speak with one voice, the British will have to listen,” he argued. In 1928, at an All-Parties Conference in Calcutta, he asked for the last time for an agreement between Muslims and Hindus, but his request was turned down. “You have no right to speak for the Muslims,” they told him, while one speaker called him “a spoiled child.” When Jinnah left Calcutta, he was almost in tears. Jinnah left for England.

After Liaqat Ali Khan informed Muhammad Ali Jinnah of the plight of Muslims in India and the increasing influence of the Congress, Jinnah sold his house and returned to Bombay. Once it became apparent that the Congress had no intention of allowing the Muslim League to function effectively, Jinnah and Liaqat Ali Khan traveled across India, warning that “Islam is in danger.” They believed that Hindus “had clearly shown their hand-that Hindustan is for the Hindus.” In March 1940, at a historic meeting in Lahore, Muslim League took the decision that split India into two nations. Following numerous meetings and negotiations, the Congress and the Muslim League accepted Mountbatten’s plan for the provinces to choose between joining Pakistan or India. Although Pakistan emerged as a smaller state than the League had initially sought, Indian Muslims finally had a homeland of their own.

The vision for Pakistan balanced securing a geographic territory for Muslims and creating an Islamic state. In a Muslim League address, Allama Mohammad Iqbal stated his desire to see Punjab, the North-West Frontier Province, Sindh, and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single state, centralising Islam as a cultural force. It remained unclear whether autonomy or sovereignty was the goal.

Jinnah focused on acquiring this homeland, sometimes overlooking internal tensions. He believed Islam could bind the people of Pakistan and help it emerge as a Muslim political nation. Although Jinnah envisioned Pakistan in an Islamic context, he saw Islam as a set of guiding principles rather than a strict theocracy.

After the partition, Jinnah addressed the challenge of balancing political Islam and religious freedom. In his inaugural speech in the Constituent Assembly, he emphasised, “You may belong to any religion or caste or creed-that has nothing to do with the business of the state.” He advocated for a fair society guided by Islamic principles of peace and harmony.

Pakistan already had an Islamic ethos, yet, despite Jinnah’s efforts, this identity often overshadowed his vision for a unified state. Jinnah overestimated the ability of Muslims to set aside ethnic identities for greater unity. He was aware of the rising internal tensions and the manipulation of his vision into an Islamic state, which led him to assert his ideals in his inaugural address to the Constituent Assembly: “We are all citizens of one state... Hindus will cease to be Hindus, and Muslims will cease to be Muslims-not in the religious sense, but in the political sense as the citizens of one nation.”

On August 7, 1947, Quaid-i-Azam arrived in Karachi amid chants of “Pakistan Zindabad,” perhaps mindful of the thousands suffering in the chaos of Partition. In a speech, he declared, “You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste... we are all citizens and equal citizens of one State.”

Sevent-seven years later, as we chant “Pakistan Zindabad,” it is crucial to reflect on our understanding of the name “Pakistan”, that unites the people of all provinces under a single faith. Before proclaiming “zindabad,” meaning “may it continue to be fresh and alive,” we must evaluate the state of our unity across provinces, sects, and faiths. Only then can we truly celebrate with conviction, hoping to realise Jinnah’s vision for Pakistan. May the enduring principles of peace and harmony upon which our nation was founded be rekindled in the hearts and minds of all Pakistanis.