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Saturday December 21, 2024

A brief history of our left ( Part – I )

But even right-wing group can claim to fight for equality and fraternity, so there are some other features too that make a difference

By Dr Naazir Mahmood
August 10, 2024
Representational image of teachers holding a protest with placards and banners as they rally for their demands to be met at D-Chowk in Islamabad. — INP/file
Representational image of teachers holding a protest with placards and banners as they rally for their demands to be met at D-Chowk in Islamabad. — INP/file

For students of history and politics, perhaps it is better to begin with defining the concepts of the left wing and the right wing as they apply to economic, political, and social developments and movements in society. A primary feature of the left wing is its belief in equality and fraternity of the working people without any preference for creed or denomination.

But even a right-wing group can claim to fight for equality and fraternity, so there are some other features too that make a difference. Left-wing politics revolves around an emphasis on equal opportunities and fair treatment in the necessities of life such as health; education, electricity, water, sanitation, and above all respect for human rights. Again, a right-wing party may also claim the same, and a left-wing government can end up suppressing human rights. So here we come to the most distinguishing feature between the Left and the Right.

Left-wing politics believes in progress and reform without indulging in narrow nationalism and without promoting a religious agenda. It does not believe in an unbridled market economy that extracts more profit from the people even on the necessities mentioned above. A majority of right-wing activists and leaders appear to be promoting ‘traditions’ while left-wingers tend to challenge traditions and question masculinity and patriarchy in society. Right-wingers mostly support private property even if it results in a massive accumulation of wealth in a few hands. They also lay stress on some real or imagined past glory based on their nationality or religion.

In Pakistan, the state has led a right-wing agenda, promoting one nation, one language, and one religion, while compromising on democracy, human rights, and equal opportunities for all. Why progressive politics in Pakistan could not succeed and why the right wing has held sway is a question worth considering. How do we get to know about what transpired in the left-wing circles and how they remained on the receiving end of injustices? It is also a related question and Abid Hassan Minto helps give us some answers.

In his books ‘Apni Jang Rahegi’ (‘Our Struggle Will Continue’, Saanjh Publications, 2016) and ‘Qissa Paun Sadi Ka’ (‘A Tale of 75 Years’, Book Corner Jhelum, 2023) provide a brief history of left-wing politics in Pakistan. ‘Apni Jang Rahegi’ is a documentary history whereas ‘Qissa Paun Sadi Ka’ is more of an autobiography that outlines Minto’s struggle as an activist, lawyer, and political leader. If you are interested in knowing why this country has been sliding down the hill rather than progressing, economically, politically, and socially, the two books offer an invaluable compendium of information.

Left-wing and progressive politics in Pakistan was under attack right from the inception of this country. The first prime minister of the country was a Nawabzada with roots in a traditional land-owning family. Most of his companions also came from a similar background of aristocratic families heaped with traditional values, upholding feudal interests, and using religion as a tool to further their agenda of self-interests. The Objectives Resolution was a clear indicator of where the country would be heading.

Abid Hassan Minto outlines the events between 1948 and 1951 when a so-called Rawalpindi Conspiracy emerged as a major threat to the new state and Liaquat Ali Khan used it to arrest progressive leaders and writers such as Faiz Ahmed Faiz, Muhammad Hussain Ata, and Sajjad Zaheer. Right from then onwards right-wing, religious and sectarian activists and groups started enjoying near absolute freedom to malign all those who believed in or talked about a democratic and permissive society that was multilingual and contained multiple nationalities with their own cultural and ethnic identities.

In 1954, the crackdown on leftist politics became so brutal and intense that even innocuous literary organizations such as the Progressive Writers Association (PWA) came under proscription. Progressive labour associations, student organizations, and trade unions became an anathema to the ruling elite that was basking under the capitalist sun of the US and supporting its neo-imperialist agenda in the region. All those who questioned state policies appeared to be traitors to the rulers who had signed multiple agreements and pacts with the US and its allies.

Abid Minto informs us that after the crackdown on the Communist Party of Pakistan and the ban on the PWA, the left-wing movement that claimed to follow Marxist socialist ideology had two centres: Sindh and Punjab. Minto himself confesses that since he is from Punjab his activities and writings mostly contain information about leftist politics in Punjab. ‘Apni Jang Rahegi’ has five chapters beginning with the political documents that Minto has written in the past 50 years or so.

After the crackdown in 1954, most left-wing activists and leaders formed the National Awami Party (NAP) in 1957 and there was huge popular support for it. In accordance with the 1956 constitution, the first general elections had to take place within two years and the ruling elite was afraid of the two centre-left political parties: the Awami League and the National Awami Party. All right-wing parties were unpopular; fearing a left-wing victory, Maj-General Iskandar Mirza and General Ayub Khan imposed the first countrywide martial law and banned all political activities resulting in the stifling of progressive politics in the country.

From these documents, we get to know that by 1967 the National Awami Party (NAP) in the wake of the Sino-Soviet divide had two rival factions that Maulana Bhashani (Pro-China) and Wali Khan (pro-Soviet) led. Minto sided with Maulana Bhashani considering him a leader of peasants and workers as opposed to Wali Khan who appeared to him a bourgeoisie leader. Interestingly, my father worked for NAP (Wali) and played an active role in its election campaign in Karachi for Mahmudul Haq Usmani who was contesting for an MNA seat with a NAP (Wali) ticket.

When Bhashani bade farewell to West Pakistan in 1970 after a successful Kissan Conference at Toba Tek Singh, many left-wing activists and leaders of NAP (Bhashani) formed the Pakistan Socialist Party (PSP) in March 1971 with Chaudhary Rehmatullah Aslam as its president and Abid Hassan Minto as its general secretary. The PSP opposed both the NAP (Wali) and the PPP, calling them protectors of bourgeois and feudal interests. The political documents that Minto wrote give us an insight into the left-wing politics of the 1970s and 1980s. The PSP worked mostly in Punjab from 1971 to 1988 after which it developed internal divisions resulting in the formation of yet another party.

In the second chapter of ‘Apni Jang Rahegi’, we find editorials Abid Hassan Minto wrote from 2008 to 2015 for the political magazine ‘Awami Jamhooriat’ (People’s Democracy). The third chapter contains speeches that Minto delivered on various occasions from 1987 to 2011. That was the period when the world socialist movement was facing a crisis that led to the disintegration of the USSR in 1991. Minto believes that the collapse of the socialist bloc did not mean that the capitalist system was the best. Gross injustices remain intact in most societies and left-wing politics remains as relevant as ever.

In the fourth and fifth chapters, we read interviews and discussions on economic, political, and social issues confronting Pakistan and its people. He insists that without empowering the working classes, the problems we face will remain unsolvable.

A system of proper and well-oiled checks and balances should be the basis of any political system, and an independent judiciary should ensure equal rights and equitable distribution of resources. Adherence to democracy, respect for human rights, and gender equity remain his lifelong passion, and the book ‘Apni Jang Rahegi’ is a testament to Minto’s dedication to worthy causes in Pakistan and the world over.

To be continued

The writer holds a PhD from the University of Birmingham, UK. He tweets/posts @NaazirMahmood and can be reached at:

mnazir1964@yahoo.co.uk