The return of terrorism in Karachi

The recent terrorist attack on the Karachi police chief’s office brings back the horrible threat of terrorism in the city once again. This tragic incident happened in the city center, and more alarmingly amidst the Pakistan Super League (PSL) matches. The timing of the attack is crucial in the sense that the provincial and federal governments have made claims of foolproof security for the PSL matches. Despite all security measures, terrorists stormed the Karachi Police Office (KPO) and killed at least four people and injured 18 others, including personnel of the police and paramilitary Rangers. The government, security agencies and political leadership must ponder upon the gravity of the situation and come up with some action-oriented policy measures to curb the menace of terrorism.

After the takeover of Kabul by Afghan Taliban in August 2021, resurgence of Pakistani Taliban in the erstwhile Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and Swat Valley was widely predicted by security experts and it was a warning too for state institutions, political leadership and policymakers to act quickly, take preventive measures, and neutralize terrorists’ sleeper cells (especially in major urban centers). Unfortunately, it was not done due to a complacent attitude of security agencies, division in political parties on the terrorism issue, absence of political will and lack of a uniform national narrative against extremism and terrorism. After the killing and beheading of members of a peace committee and civil society in Swat, the suicide attack on the Peshawar Police Lines mosque, a bombing in Islamabad, target-killing of security persons in the Khanewal district of Punjab, and now the attack on the KPO, the message is clear: the Taliban are back in the country.

Karachi has bloodied and suffered a lot due to sectarian and religious terrorism in the past and those memories still haunt citizens. When the ‘war against terrorism’ came 6o the region in 2001, Karachi — the capital of Sindh and economic hub of Pakistan — became a hotspot of Al-Qaeda militants, the Taliban and their local supporters. They established a stronghold over the suburbs of the city and executed some high-profile terrorist attacks, such as the attack on French naval engineers in front of the Sheraton Hotel in 2002, the murder of US journalist Denial Pearl in 2002, the attack on the US Consulate Karachi in the same year, the massive bombing of a congregation of 12th Rabiul Awwal at the Nishtar Park in April 2006, the Ashura attack on December 28, 2009, the PNS Mehran attack in 2011, the Karachi Airport attack in 2014, and the Safoora Goth bus carnage in 2015. As a result of different anti-terrorism operations carried out from time to time by security forces, peace returned to Karachi. But that hard-won peace is at stake once again due to the recent resurgence of the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan and other terrorist groups. Whenever pressure mounts on militant organizations in the northwest of the country, they relocate themselves and make sleeper cells in Karachi. That instigates a lethal wave of sectarianism, extremism and terrorism in the city.

Karachi’s complex socio-economic and political dynamics make the city more vulnerable to extremism and terrorism. Unabated migration from upcountry and the influx of Afghan refugees have changed the traditional demography of the city. Karachi’s suburbs have become a hotspot and active recruitment base of local and international sectarian, religious, and terrorist organizations. The mushroom growth of madrasas in Karachi’s slum areas is providing logistical support to militant organizations. The ideological support of religious political parties and the apologetic stance of mainstream political parties towards militancy and Talibanization are creating further confusion when it comes to countering extremism and terrorism policies.

Karachi’s violent extremism and terrorism problem is multifaceted. Not only lower strata of the population or seminary students are influenced by extremist ideologies, middle class, and in some cases, upper class youths have equally become radicalized.

The story of Saad Aziz, a young graduate of an elite business school from Karachi, is not much different. He had been radicalized while studying on campus. Later, he executed one of the brutal terrorist attacks in the history of Karachi in which a religious minority was targeted. The incident was later known as Safoora Goth Carnage. Karachi Dockyards attackers were young radical people. These examples show the complexity of problem; from highly sophisticated and trained soldiers, and students from elite and public academic institutions and madrasas – all are facing the threat of extremism and radicalization. It means fertile preconditions to fuel terrorism exist in Karachi. External shocks such as the Afghan Taliban’s taking over of Kabul is providing motivation to the TTP, splinter groups of Islamic State (IS) and regional jihadi groups to reunite in Karachi. The impact of the return of terrorists would be horrible in terms of socio-economic and political stability of Pakistan.

In given conditions, the threat of violent extremism and terrorism is imminent in Karachi. Countering terrorism requires coordinated, cohesive and a clear strategy and state policy. That policy should be initiated from parliament and political leadership should take ownership of it. Pakistan is full of anti-extremism and terrorism laws, policies, and parameters, but it lacks political will and implementation mechanisms. There are some recommendations that may help the government to take administrative actions to counter violent extremism and terrorism.

• Countering violent extremism and terrorism is a long-term political and legal process. It requires conceptual and legal clarity when it comes to meaning and definition. Unfortunately, even after fighting the ‘war against terrorism’ and extremism for almost 20 years, Pakistan could not develop a concise and coherent legal definition and violent extremism and terrorism-specific laws. Therefore, it is high time for the parliament and government to devise a comprehensive legal definition of extremism and terrorism and codify extremism and terrorism-specific laws in the context of religious extremism and terrorism.

• The policy of appeasement towards terrorists and extremists should be abandoned. Terrorism and extremism anywhere is a threat to peace everywhere. Therefore, no justification for terrorist attacks is acceptable. Whether terrorism occurs outside Pakistan or inside, it should be condemned by all quarters of society.

• Pakistan lacks at a uniform national narrative and discourse against extremism and terrorism. The parliament should initiate debate around it. Through media, think-tanks and policy organizations, the national narrative should be disseminated.

• After the takeover of Kabul by Taliban in August 2021, a swift resurgence of Pakistani Taliban is being reported. Terrorist attacks are occurring on a regular basis in Pakistan. It is high time to take decisive action against terrorists. If timely action is not taken, terrorists would penetrate settled areas of Pakistan and a post-9/11 situation could be repeated.

• The recent ‘civil war’ in Afghanistan has displaced thousands of Afghans. Pakistan is their ultimate abode. There is a probability that most of these refugees would be moving to Sindh, especially to Karachi. This free movement of Afghans in Sindh can compromise the hard-won peace. Sindh is already suffering due to scarcity of economic resources and cannot feed a large number of refugees. Therefore, it is the responsibility of the government — with the support of the international community and donor agencies — to rehabilitate the refugees in border areas of Pakistan.

• The recent suspicious agreement with TTP would not serve the larger interest of the country. It would strengthen the TTP’s ability to restart terrorist activities in Pakistan, especially in former FATA region. According to some reports, there are 4,000 TTP fighters, living and taking part in the fighting in Afghanistan. Of course, after the agreement, they are returning to Pakistan. It means that the larger security of the country would be compromised. Already, the law and order situation is deteriorating in tribal districts. Therefore, all negotiations and a possible agreement with the TTP should be brought to the parliament. While in the process of dialogue, no compromise should be made on the spirit of constitution, democracy and parliament. In terms of the agreement, mild concessions can be given to the TTP, but any significant relief can undermine the writ of the state and damage peace. Alarmingly, security experts are warning against the consequences of peace talks with the banned TTP. In their opinion, the peace deal will erode the hard-won successes against a group responsible for bloodshed and thousands of deaths, billions of dollars of collateral damage, a bleak international image, and some sort of diplomatic impediments.

• Strict and across-the-board implementation of the National Action Plan 2014 is required by all provincial and federal governments.

• The Karachi Action Committee was established to implement NAP and its composition yielded results, including restoration of law and order and maintenance of peace in the city. Such practices should continue and be replicated at the provincial and national levels.

• In recent years, female suicide bombers have carried out some high-profile terrorist attacks. It is high time to address the female militancy issue. Educational and vocational training institutes can provide a better alternative to madrasa education, and a purpose to the female population, especially in under-developed areas of Pakistan. This would also enhance economic opportunities for females. Learned, skilled and economically independent women would find better ways to contribute in society, keep engaging in constructive activities, and ultimately could become an agent of positive change in the society.

• Economic deprivation and political exclusion are considered important causes of extremism. Governments, federal and provincial, need to create economic opportunities for the youth and adopt an inclusive and receptive approach to all segments of society. Those groups which have been marginalized in the past should be brought into mainstream through a reconciliatory approach.

• Recently, Pakistan has developed and promulgated the Single National Curriculum (SNC). Minorities have raised concerns about it and the PPP government in Sindh has not adopted it yet. The SNC is an initiative with respect to class harmony, but other religions’ respect and tolerance should be incorporated in it.

The writer teaches International Relations at the University of Karachi.